Charles Philip Yorke, Fourth Earl of Hardwicke, Vice-Admiral R.N. — a Memoir (2024)

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FOURTH EARL OF HARDWICKE

VICE-ADMIRAL R.N.

A MEMOIR

BY HIS DAUGHTER

THE LADY BIDDULPH OF LEDBURY

WITH PORTRAITS

DEDICATED

TO HIS GRANDCHILDREN

PREFACE

It is with great diffidence that I lay this memoir before the public;it is my first experience in such work, but my reasons for so doingappear to me unanswerable. It was to my care and judgment that myfather, by his will, committed his letters and journals, and my heartconfirms the judgment of my mind, that his active and interesting life,so varied in the many different positions he was called upon to fill,and the considerable part he played in the affairs of his time, deservea fuller record than the accounts to be found in biographical works ofreference.

It has been a labour of love to me to supply these omissions in thefollowing pages, and to present in outline the life of a capable,energetic Englishman, for whom I can at least claim that he was a loyaland devoted servant of his Sovereign and his country.

In fulfilling what I hold to be a filial obligation I have made noattempt to give literary form to a work which, so far as possible, isbased upon my father's own words. Primarily it is addressed to hisgrandchildren and great-grandchildren, to whom, I trust, it may serveas an inspiration; but I have also some hope that a story which touchesthe national life at so many points may prove of interest to thegeneral public. I am greatly indebted to my son, Mr. Adeane, and to myson-in-law, Mr. Bernard Mallet, for the help and encouragement theyhave given me; and I have also to acknowledge the assistance of Mr. W.B. Boulton in editing and preparing these papers for publication.

ELIZABETH PHILIPPA BIDDULPH.

LEDBURY: January 1910.

CONTENTS

I. THE YORKE FAMILY

II. ALGIERS. 1815-1816

III. THE NORTH AMERICAN STATION. 1817-1822

IV. GREEK PIRACY. 1823-1826

V. A HOLIDAY IN NORTHERN REGIONS. 1828

VI. GREEK INDEPENDENCE. 1829-1831

VII. COURT DUTIES AND POLITICS. 1831-1847

VIII. GENOA. 1849

IX. POLITICS AND LAST YEARS. 1850-1873

INDEX

LIST OF PORTRAITS

CHARLES PHILIP, FOURTH EARL OF HARDWICKE From a painting by E. U. Eddis

THE HONBLE. CHARLES YORKE SOLICITOR-GENERAL From a painting by Allan
Ramsay (?)

SIR JOSEPH SYDNEY YORKE As A MIDSHIPMAN, R.N. From a painting by George
Romney

SIR JOSEPH SYDNEY YORKE As A LIEUTENANT, R.N. from a painting by George
Romney

CHARLES PHILIP, FOURTH EARL OF HARDWICKE From a chalk drawing by E. U.
Eddis

SUSAN, COUNTESS OF HARDWICKE From a chalk drawing by E. U. Eddis

CHARLES PHILIP YORKE

FOURTH EARL OF HARDWICKE

CHAPTER I

THE YORKE FAMILY

The family of Yorke first came into prominence with the greatChancellor Philip Yorke, first Earl of Hardwicke. This remarkable man,who was the son of an attorney at Dover, descended, it is claimed, fromthe Yorkes of Hannington in North Wiltshire, a family of someconsequence in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, was born in thattown in the year 1690, and rose from a comparatively humble station tothe commanding position he held so long in English public life.

My object in this chapter is to recall some of the incidents of hiscareer and of those of his immediate successors and descendants.

Philip Yorke was called to the bar in 1715, became Solicitor-Generalonly five years later, and was promoted to be Attorney-General in 1723.In 1733 he was appointed Lord Chief Justice of England, and receivedthe Great Seal as Lord Chancellor in 1737, and when his life closed hispolitical career had extended over a period of fifty years.

Lord Campbell, the author of the 'Lives of the Chancellors,' 'thatextraordinary work which was held to have added a new terror to death,and a fear of which was said to have kept at least one Lord Chancelloralive,' claimed to lay bare the shortcomings of the subjects of hismemoirs with the same impartiality with which he pointed out theirexcellences. He mentions only two failings of Lord ChancellorHardwicke: one, that he was fond of acquiring wealth, the other, thathe was of an overweening pride to those whom he considered beneath him.Neither of these is a very serious charge, and as both areinsufficiently corroborated, one may let them pass. He acquired immensewealth in the course of his professional career, but in an age ofcorruption he was remarked for his integrity, and was never suspectedor accused of prostituting his public position for private ends. In hiscapacity of Attorney-General Lord Campbell remarks of him:

'This situation he held above thirteen years, exhibiting a model ofperfection to other law officers of the Crown. He was punctual andconscientious in the discharge of his public duty, never neglecting itthat he might undertake private causes, although fees were supposed tobe particularly sweet to him.'

But it was as a judge that he won imperishable fame, and one of hisbiographers observes: [Footnote: See Dictionary of National Biography.]'It is hardly too much to say that during his prolonged tenure of theGreat Seal (from 1737 to 1755) he transformed equity from a chaos ofprecedents into a scientific system.' Lord Campbell states that 'hisdecisions have been, and ever will continue to be, appealed to asfixing the limits and establishing the principles of that greatjuridical system called Equity, which now, not only in this country andin our colonies, but over the whole extent of the United States ofAmerica, regulates property and personal rights more than ancientCommon Law.'

He had a 'passion to do justice, and displayed the strictestimpartiality; and his chancellorship' is 'looked back upon as thegolden age of equity.' The Chancellor is said to have been one of thehandsomest men of his day, and 'his personal advantages, which includeda musical voice, enhanced the effect of his eloquence, which by itsstately character was peculiarly adapted to the House of Lords.'[Footnote: Ibid.]

This is not the place for an estimate of Lord Hardwicke's politicalcareer, which extended over the whole period from the reign of QueenAnne to that of George III, and brought him into intimate associationwith all the statesmen of his age. It was more especially as thesupporter of the Pelham interest and the confidant and mentor of theDuke of Newcastle that he exercised for many years a predominantinfluence on the course of national affairs both at home and abroad.During the absence of George II from the realm in 1740 and subsequentlyhe was a member, and by no means the least important member, of theCouncil of Regency. 'He was,' writes Campbell, 'mainly instrumental inkeeping the reigning dynasty of the Brunswicks on the throne'; he wasthe adviser of the measures for suppressing the Jacobite rebellion in1745, he presided as Lord High Steward with judicial impartiality atthe famous trial of the rebel Lords, and was chiefly responsible forthe means taken in the pacification of Scotland, the most questionableof which was the suppression of the tartan! Good fortune, as is usuallythe case when a man rises to great eminence, played its part in hiscareer. He had friends who early recognised his ability and gave himthe opportunities of which he was quick to avail himself. He took thetide at its flood and was led on to fortune; but, as Campbell justlyobserves, 'along with that good luck such results required loftyaspirations, great ability, consummate prudence, rigid self-denial, andunwearied industry.' His rise in his profession had undoubtedly beenfacilitated by his marriage to Margaret co*cks, a favourite niece ofLord Chancellor Somers, himself one of the greatest of England'slawyer-statesmen. There is a story that when asked by Lord Somers whatsettlement he could make on his wife, he answered proudly, 'Nothing butthe foot of ground I stand on in Westminster Hall.' Never was theself-confidence of genius more signally justified than in his case. Notonly was his own rise to fame and fortune unprecedently rapid, but hebecame the founder of a family many of whose members have since playeda distinguished part in the public and social life of the country. ByMargaret co*cks he had, with two daughters, five sons, the eldest ofwhom enhanced the fortunes of the family by his marriage with Jemima,daughter of the Earl of Breadalbane, heiress of Wrest and the otherpossessions of the extinct Dukedom of Kent, and afterwards MarchionessGrey and Baroness Lucas of Grudwell in her own right. Of his next sonCharles, the second Chancellor, something will presently be said.Another son, Joseph, was a soldier and diplomatist. He was aide-de-campto the Duke of Cumberland at Fontenoy; and afterwards, as Sir JosephYorke, Ambassador at the Hague. He died Lord Dover. A fourth son, John,married Miss Elizabeth Lygon, of Madresfield. The fifth son, James,entered the Church, became Bishop of Ely, and was the ancestor of theYorkes of Forthampton. I had the luck many years ago to have a talkwith an old verger in Ely Cathedral who remembered Bishop Yorke, andwho told me that he used to draw such congregations by the power of hisoratory and the breadth of his teaching, that when he preached, all thedissenting chapels in the neighbourhood were closed!

It was in 1770, only six years after Lord Hardwicke's death whichoccurred in London on March 6, 1764, that his second son Charles (bornin 1722) was sworn in as Lord Chancellor. His brilliant career ended ina tragedy which makes it one of the most pathetic in our politicalhistory. Although unlike his father in person he was intellectually hisequal, and might have rivalled his renown had he possessed his firmnessand resolution of character. He was educated at Cambridge, and beforethe age of twenty had given evidence of his precocity as the principalauthor (after his brother Philip) of the 'Athenian Letters,' a supposedcorrespondence between Cleander, an agent of the King of Persiaresident in Athens, and his brother and friends in Persia. Destined tothe law from his childhood, Charles Yorke was called to the bar in1743, and rapidly advanced in his profession. Entering the House ofCommons as member for Reigate in 1747, he later succeeded his brotheras member for Cambridge, and one of his best speeches in the House wasmade in defence of his father against an onslaught by Henry Fox. But inspite of his brilliant prospects and great reputation he always enviedthose who were able to lead a quiet life, and he thus wrote to hisfriend Warburton, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester:

'I endeavour to convince myself it is dangerous to converse with you,for you show me so much more happiness in the quiet pursuits ofknowledge and enjoyments of friendship than is to be found in lucre orambition, that I go back into the world with regret, where few thingsare to be obtained without more agitation both of reason and thepassions, than either moderate parts or a benevolent mind can support.'

Charles Yorke was an intimate friend of Montesquieu, the famous authorof the 'Esprit des Lois' and the most far-seeing of those whosewritings preceded and presaged the French Revolution, who wrote, 'Messentiments pour vous sont gravés dans mon cœur et dans mon esprit d'unemanière à ne s'effacer jamais.'

On the formation of a government by the Duke of Devonshire in 1756,Charles Yorke was sworn in, at the early age of thirty-three, asSolicitor-General, and retained that office through the elder Pitt'sglorious administration. In 1762 he accepted from Lord Bute theAttorney-Generalship, in which position he had to deal with thedifficult questions of constitutional law raised by the publication ofJohn Wilkes's North Briton. In November of that year, however, heresigned office in consequence of the strong pressure put upon him byPitt, and took leave of the King in tears. Pitt failed in his object ofenlisting Yorke's services on behalf of Wilkes in the comingparliamentary campaign, and the crisis ended in an estrangement betweenthe two, which drove Yorke into a loose alliance with the RockinghamWhigs, a group of statesmen who were determined to free Englishpolitics from the trammels of court influence and the baser traditionsof the party system. When, however, this party came into power in 1765,Yorke was disappointed of the anticipated offer of the Great Seal, andonly reluctantly accepted the Attorney-Generalship. The ministry fellin the following year, partly in consequence of Pitt's reappearance inthe House of Commons and his disastrous refusal of Rockingham'sinvitation to join his Government, though they were agreed on most ofthe important questions of the day, including that of American taxationand the repeal of the Stamp Act; and Pitt, who then (August 1766)became Lord Chatham, was commissioned to form a new government inwhich, to Yorke's mortification, he offered the Lord Chancellorship toCamden. Yorke thereupon resigned the Attorney-Generalship, and duringthe devious course of the ill-starred combination under Chatham'snominal leadership—for during the next two years Chatham wasabsolutely incapacitated from all attention to business, his policy wasreversed by his colleagues, and America taxed by Charles Townshend—hemaintained an 'attitude of saturnine reserve,' amusing himself withlandscape gardening at his villa at Highgate, doing its honours toWarburton, Hurd, Garrick and other friends, and corresponding amongothers with Stanislas Augustus, King of Poland, to whom he had beenintroduced by his brother Sir Joseph. Gradually, however, Chatham madea recovery from the mental disease under which he had been labouring,and in January 1770 he returned to the political arena with twovigorous speeches in the House of Lords. His first speech spreadconsternation among the members of the Government and the King's party,led by the Duke of Grafton, who had assumed the duties of PrimeMinister; and one of the first effects of his intervention was theresignation of Lord Camden, who had adhered to Chatham, and openlydenounced the Duke of Grafton's arbitrary measures. This event placedthe Court party in the utmost difficulty, and no lawyer of sufficienteminence was available for the post but Charles Yorke, who thussuddenly found within his reach the high office which had been theambition of his life. The crisis was his undoing, and the whole storyis of such interest from a family point of view, that, although it iswell known from the brilliant pages of Sir George Trevelyan's 'Life ofFox,' I may be excused for telling it again, mainly in the words of twoimportant memoranda preserved at the British Museum.

One of these was written by Charles Yorke's brother, the second LordHardwicke, and dated nearly a year later, December 30, 1770; the other,dated October 20, 1772, by his widow Agneta Yorke; and the effect ofthem, to my mind, is not only to discredit the widely believed story ofCharles Yorke's suicide, which is not even alluded to, but also toplace his action from a public and political point of view in a morefavourable light than that in which it is sometimes presented.

Both the 'Memorials' to which I have alluded give a most vivid andpainful account of the struggle between ambition and politicalconsistency which followed upon the offer of the Chancellorship by theDuke of Grafton to one who was pledged by his previous action to theRockingham party. Lord Hardwicke wrote:

'I shall set down on this paper the extraordinary and melancholycirc*mstances which attended the offer of the Great Seal to my brotherin January last. On the 12th of that month he received on his returnfrom Tittenhanger a note from the Duke of Grafton desiring to see him.He sent it immediately to me and I went to Bloomsbury Square where Imet my brother John and we had a long consultation with Mr. Yorke. Hesaw the Duke of Grafton by appointment in the evening and his gracemade him in form and without personal cordiality an offer of the GreatSeal, complaining heavily of Lord Camden's conduct, particularly hishostile speech in the House of Lords the first day of the Session. Mybrother desired a little time to consider of so momentous an affair andstated to the Duke the difficulties it laid him under, his grace gavehim till Sunday in the forenoon. He, Mr. Y., called on me that morning,the 14th, and seemed in great perplexity and agitation. I asked him ifhe saw his way through the clamorous and difficult points upon which itwould be immediately expected he should give his opinion, viz. theMiddlesex Election, America and the state of Ireland, where theparliament had just been prorogued on a popular point. He seriouslydeclared that he did not, and that he might be called upon to advisemeasures of a higher and more dangerous nature than he should choose tobe responsible for. He was clearly of opinion that he was not sent forat the present juncture from predilection, but necessity, and how muchsoever the Great Seal had been justly the object of his ambition, hewas now afraid of accepting it.

'Seeing him in so low and fluttered a state of spirits and knowing howmuch the times called for a higher, I did not venture to push him on,and gave in to the idea he himself started, of advising to put theGreat Seal in commission, by which time would be gained. He went fromme to the Duke of Grafton, repeated his declining answer, and proposeda commission for the present, for which precedents of various timeswere not wanting. The Duke of Grafton expressed a more earnest desirethat my brother should accept than he did at the first interview, andpressed his seeing the King before he took a final resolution. I sawhim again in Montague House garden, on Monday the 15th, and he thenseemed determined to decline, said a particular friend of his in thelaw, Mr. W. had rather discouraged him, and that nothing affected himwith concern but the uneasiness which it might give to Mrs. Yorke.

'On Tuesday forenoon the 16th, he called upon me in great agitation andtalked of accepting. He changed his mind again by the evening when hesaw the King at the Queen's Palace, and finally declined. He told mejust after the audience that the King had not pressed him so stronglyas he had expected, that he had not held forth much prospect ofstability in administration, and that he had not talked so well to himas he did when he accepted the office of Attorney-General in 1765; hisMajesty however ended the conversation very humanely and prettily, that"after what he had said to excuse himself, it would be cruelty to presshis acceptance." I must here solemnly declare that my brother was allalong in such agitation of mind that he never told me all theparticulars which passed in the different conversations, and manymaterial things may have been said to him which I am ignorant of. Heleft me soon after to call on Mr. Anson and Lord Rockingham,authorising me to acquaint everybody that he had absolutely declined,adding discontentedly that "It was the confusion of the times whichoccasioned his having taken that resolution." He appeared to me verymuch ruffled and disturbed, but I made myself easy on being informedthat he would be quiet next day and take physic. He wanted both thatand bleeding, for his spirits were in a fever.'

Up to this point Mrs. Yorke's account, written apparently to explainand vindicate her own share in the transaction, tallies with that ofher brother-in-law, except that she states that Lord Hardwicke had beenmuch more favourable to the idea of Charles Yorke's acceptance than theabove narrative leads one to suppose; according to her the family felt'it was too great a thing to refuse.' Lord Hardwicke's wife, theMarchioness Grey, indeed, had called upon Mrs. Yorke to urge it, sayingamong other things that 'the great office to which Mr. Yorke wasinvited was in the line of his profession, that though it wasintimately connected with state affairs, yet it had not that absoluteand servile dependance on the Court which the other ministerial officeshad; that Mr. Yorke had already seen how vain it was to depend on thefriendship of Lord Rockingham and his party; that the part he had actedhad always been separate and uninfluenced, and therefore she thought hewas quite at liberty to make choice for himself, and by taking theseals he would perhaps have it in his power to reconcile the differentviews of people and form an administration which might be permanent andlasting; that if he now refused the seals they would probably never beoffered a second time … and that these were Lord Hardwicke'ssentiments as well as her own.'

Lord Mansfield's advice had been more emphatic still. 'He had no doubtof the propriety of his accepting the Great Seal, indeed was sopositive that Mr. Yorke told me he would hear no reason against it.'Mrs. Yorke herself was at first opposed to the idea; but influenced bysuch opinions and by her husband's extreme dejection after refusing theoffer, she ended by strongly urging him to accept, and was afterwardsblamed for having encouraged his fatal ambition. Lord Rockingham alone,who had been greatly dependent upon the advice and assistance of Mr.Yorke, 'to whom,' as Mrs. Yorke remarks, 'he could apply every moment,'and 'without whom he would have made no figure at all in hisadministration,' put the strongest pressure on him to decline, forselfish reasons as appears from Mrs. Yorke's story. It was thereforeagainst the advice of his own family and 'the generality of hisfriends,' including Lord Chief Justice Wilmot, that Charles Yorke, inobedience to his own high sense of political honour, at first refusedthe dazzling promotion, and this fact must be recorded to his credit.

The decision, however, brought no peace to his mind, and ambitionimmediately began to resume its sway. He passed a restless night, andsaid in the morning to his wife 'that he would not think of it, for hefound whenever he was inclined to consent he could get no rest, andwant of rest would kill him.' But after another day, Tuesday, spent inconference 'I believe with Lords Rockingham and Hardwicke,' he waspersuaded, by what means does not appear, to go again to Court. LordHardwicke, who, as Sir George Trevelyan observes, played a truebrother's part throughout the wretched business, thus continues:

'Instead of taking his physic, he left it on the table after a brokennight's rest, and went to the levée, was called into the closet, andin a manner compelled by the King to accept the Great Seal withexpressions like these: "My sleep has been disturbed by your declining;do you mean to declare yourself unfit for it?" and still strongerafterwards, "If you will not comply, it must make an eternal breakbetwixt us." At his return from Court about three o'clock, he broke inunexpectedly on me, who was talking with Lord Rockingham, and gave usthis account.

We were both astounded, to use an obsolete but strong word, at sosudden an event, and I was particularly shocked at his being sooverborne in a manner I had never heard of, nor could imagine possiblebetween Prince and subject. I was hurt personally at the figure I hadbeen making for a day before, telling everybody by his authority thathe was determined to decline, and I was vexed at his taking no noticeof me or the rest of the family when he accepted. All theseconsiderations working on my mind at this distracting moment inducedme, Lord Rockingham joining in it, to press him to return forthwith tothe King, and entreat his Majesty either to allow him time till nextmorning to recollect himself, or to put the Great Seal in commission,as had been resolved upon. We could not prevail; he said he could notin honour do it, he had given his word, had been wished joy, &c. Mr.John Yorke came in during this conversation, and did not take much partin it, but seemed quite astounded. After a long altercatingconversation, Mr. Yorke, unhappily then Lord Chancellor, departed, andI went to dinner.

'In the evening, about eight o'clock, he called on me again, andacquainted me with his having been sworn in at the Queen's house, andthat he had then the Great Seal in the coach. He talked to me of thetitle he intended to take, that of Morden, which is part of the Wimpleestate, asked my forgiveness if he had acted improperly. We kissed andparted friends. A warm word did not escape either of us. When he tookleave he seemed more composed, but unhappy. Had I been quite cool whenhe entered my room so abruptly at three o'clock I should have saidlittle—wished him joy, and reserved expostulation for a calmer moment.'

Mrs. Yorke's account of these 'altercating conversations' between thebrothers, at the second of which, on the evening of the 17th, she washerself present, is naturally much more highly coloured. Charles Yorkewas evidently terribly discomposed by it, speaking of Lord Hardwicke'slanguage as 'exceeding all bounds of temper, reason, and even commoncivility.' 'I hope,' he said to his wife, 'he will in cooler momentsthink better of it, and my brother John also, for if I lose the supportof my family, I shall be undone.'

I need not pursue the subject of this distressing difference betweenthe brothers, which no doubt assumed an altogether exaggeratedimportance in the sensitive and affectionate, but self-centred, mind ofpoor Charles Yorke, shaken as he was by the strain and struggle ofthese days, but which was probably the immediate cause of his fatalillness.

'We returned home' (from St. James's Square), writes Mrs. Yorke, 'andMr. Woodco*ck followed in the chariot with the Great Seal. The King hadgiven it in his closet, and at the same time Mr. Yorke kissed hisMajesty's hand on being made Baron of Morden in the county ofCambridge. Not once did Mr. Yorke close his eyes, though at my entreatyhe took composing medicines…. Before morning he was determined toreturn the Great Seal, for he said if he kept it he could not live. Iknow not what I said, for I was terrified almost to death. At sixo'clock I found him so ill that I sent for Dr. Watson, who oughtimmediately to have bled him, instead of which he contented himselfwith talking to him. He ordered him some medicine and was to see himagain in the evening. In the meantime Mr. Yorke was obliged to rise toreceive the different people who would crowd to him on this occasion,but before he left me, he assured me that when the Duke of Grafton cameto him at night, he would resign the seals. When his company had lefthim, he came up to me, and even then, death was upon his face. He saidhe had settled all his affairs, that he should retire absolutely frombusiness, and would go to Highgate the next day, and that he wasresolved to meddle no more with public affairs. I was myself so illwith fatigue and anxiety that I was not able to dine with him, but Dr.Plumptre did; when I went to them after dinner I found Mr. Yorke in astate of fixed melancholy. He neither spoke to me nor to Dr. Plumptre;I tried every method to wake and amuse him, but in vain. I couldsupport it no longer, I fell upon my knees before him and begged of himnot to affect himself so much—that he would resume his fortitude andtrust to his own judgment—in short, I said a great deal which Iremember now no more; my sensations were little short of distraction atthat time. In an hour or two after he grew much worse, and Dr. Watsoncoming in persuaded him to go to bed, and giving him a strong opiate,he fell asleep.

But his rest was no refreshment; about the middle of the night heawaked in a delirium, when I again sent for Dr. Watson; towards themorning he was more composed, and at noon got up. In about an hourafter he was up, he was seized with a vomiting of blood. I was not withhim at the instant, but was soon called to him. He was almostspeechless, but on my taking his hand in an agony of silent grief helooked tenderly on me, and said, "How can I repay your kindness, mydear love; God will reward you, I cannot; be comforted." These were thelast words I heard him speak, for my nerves were too weak to supportsuch affliction. I was therefore prevented from being in his room, andindeed I was incapable of giving him assistance. He lived till the nextday, when at five o'clock in the afternoon, he changed this life for abetter.'

Lord Hardwicke meanwhile had decided to follow the very friendly andright opinion of Dr. Jeffreys, 'that he would do his best to supportthe part which his brother had taken,' and came to town with thatresolution on 'Friday in the forenoon' but he found that Charles Yorkehad been taken very ill that morning.

'When I saw him on the evening of the 19th he was in bed and too muchdisordered to be talked with. There was a glimmering of hope on the20th in the morning, but he died that day about five in the evening.The patent of peerage had passed all the forms except the Great Seal,and when my poor brother was asked if the seal should be put to it, hewaived it, and said "he hoped it was no longer in his custody." I cansolemnly declare that except what passed at my house on the Wednesdayforenoon, I had not the least difference with him throughout the wholetransaction, not a sharp or even a warm expression passed, but wereasoned over the subject like friends and brothers…. In short, theusage he met with in 1766 when faith was broke with him, had greatlyimpaired his judgment, dejected his spirits, and made him act below hissuperior knowledge and abilities. He would seldom explain himself, orlet his opinion be known in time to those who were ready to have actedwith him in the utmost confidence. After the menacing language used inthe closet to compel Mr. Yorke's acceptance and the loss which the Kingsustained by his death at that critical juncture, the most unprejudicedand dispassionate were surprised at the little, or rather no noticewhich was taken of his family; the not making an offer to complete thepeerage was neither to be palliated nor justified in their opinion. Itwas due to the Manes of the departed from every motive of humanityand decorum. Lord Hillsborough told a friend of mine, indeed, that theKing had soon after his death spoke of him with tears in his eyes andenquired after the family, but it would surely not have misbecome hisMajesty conscious of the whole of his behaviour to an able, faithful,and despairing subject, to have expressed that concern in a moreparticular manner, and to those who were so deeply affected by themelancholy event.

'A worthier and better man there never was, no more learned andaccomplished in his own profession, as well as out of it. What hewanted was the calm, firm judgment of his father, and he had themisfortune to live in times which required a double portion of it.Every precaution was taken by me to prepare him for the offer, and topersuade him to form some previous plan of conduct, but all in vain. Hewould never explain himself clearly, and left everything to chance,till we were all overborne, perplexed and confounded in that fatalinterval which opened and closed the negotiation with my brother. Withhim the Somers line of the law seems to be at an end, I mean of thatset in the profession who, mixing principles of liberty with thoseproper to monarchy, have conducted and guided that great body of menever since the Revolution.'

Fever, complicated by colic and the rupture of a blood-vessel, causedCharles Yorke's death, the consequence of the extreme nervous tensionwhich he had undergone, of which his widow has left a most touching andgraphic description. I wish I could have found room for the whole ofher account of those days. The circ*mstances of his physicalconstitution and the mental struggle he had suffered are quitesufficient to account for his death without the gratuitous assumptionof suicide, which there is nothing in the family papers to support.There is no doubt that this idea was prevalent at the time, andallusions to it are to be found in many subsequent accounts, down tothat in Sir George Trevelyan's 'Life of Fox.' Perhaps it is not toomuch to hope that this allegation may be at last disposed of in thelight of the papers by his brother and his wife. We have two clear andpositive declarations in these papers: first, that in the beginning ofhis illness he declined his physic, and afterwards took an opiate;second, that there followed the rupture of a blood-vessel. When LordHardwicke saw him for the last time on the 19th he was 'extremely ill';'there was a glimmering of hope on the 20th in the morning, but he diedthat day about five in the evening.'

This is the summary of the evidence, which to my mind is conclusive.Unless one assumes a conspiracy of silence between Lord Hardwicke andMrs. Yorke, I do not see that I can reasonably admit any otherhypothesis. I therefore claim that phrase of his brother's as asolution of the supposed mystery of Charles Yorke's death.

If hereafter the vague rumours which have so long been current shouldbe supported by any real evidence, my judgment will be disputed, but Iam glad to have this opportunity of asserting my own firm convictionthat the version of the unhappy affair given in the family papers iscorrect, and that Charles Yorke's death was due to natural causes.

Charles Yorke was twice married. His first wife was a daughter ofWilliams Freeman, Esq., of Aspeden, Hertfordshire, by whom he had a sonPhilip. This son succeeded his uncle as third Earl of Hardwicke, heinherited the Tittenhanger and other estates (which passed away to hisdaughters on his death in 1834) from his mother, and he is stillremembered for his wise and liberal administration as the firstLord-Lieutenant of Ireland after the Union (from 1801 to 1806), theirritation and unrest caused by which measure he did much to allay.[Footnote: A recent publication, The Viceroy's Post Bag, by Mr.MacDonagh, gives some curious details of his correspondence from theHardwicke Papers at the British Museum.] As a Whig he had always beenin favour of Catholic Emancipation in Ireland, and though he agreed topostpone it on joining Addington's Administration, he adhered to thecause till its triumph in 1829; and he gave a qualified support to theParliamentary Reform Bill in 1831. He was created a Knight of theGarter in 1803, [Footnote: Lord Hardwicke married in 1782 Elizabeth,daughter of James, fifth Earl of Balcarres, the sister of Lady AnneBarnard, the authoress of Auld Robin Gray.] and had the misfortune tolose the only son who survived infancy in a storm at sea off Lübeck in1808 at the age of twenty-four. The succession to the peerage was thusopened up to his half-brothers, the sons of Charles Yorke's secondwife, Agneta, daughter of Henry Johnston of Great Berkhampsted: CharlesPhilip (1764-1834) who left no heir, and Joseph Sydney (1768-1831),father of the subject of this memoir. I have already alluded to thepublic career of their half-brother, the third Lord Hardwicke; and itis interesting to see how the tradition of political and public workwas maintained by the two younger brothers, who both, and especiallythe younger of the two, added fresh laurels to the distinguished recordheld by so many of the descendants of the great Chancellor. The RightHonourable Charles Yorke represented the county of Cambridge inParliament from 1790 to 1810, and joined Addington's Government at thesame time as Lord Hardwicke, first as Secretary at War in 1801, andthen as Secretary of State for the Home Department, till the return tooffice of William Pitt (to whom he was politically opposed) in 1804. In1810 he became first Lord of the Admiralty under Spencer Perceval, withhis younger brother Joseph as one of the Sea Lords, and retained officetill Perceval's assassination broke up the ministry; and when in 1812Lord Liverpool became Prime Minister he left the Admiralty and neverafterwards returned to office, retiring from public life in 1818. Thesplendid breakwater at Plymouth was decided on and commenced while hewas at the Admiralty, and a slab of its marble marks his tomb inWimpole Church.

With Joseph Sydney Yorke, afterwards Admiral and a K.C.B., opens achapter of family history with which this volume will be mainlyconcerned; and the navy rather than the law or politics henceforthbecomes the chief interest of the story in its public aspect. SirJoseph, indeed, may be looked upon as a sort of second founder of thefamily. Although Wimpole in Cambridgeshire, which the Chancellorpurchased from the Harleys, Earls of Oxford, was for many generationsthe principal seat of the family, Sydney Lodge, on Southampton Water,[Footnote: Attached to Sydney Lodge on the shore of Southampton Wateris a white battery containing guns taken from a French frigate andbearing an inscription, written by my father, commemorating his lastparting with my grandfather, Sir Joseph. The battery encloses a well,known as 'Agneta's Well,' which has refreshed many a thirsty fisherman.The inscription is as follows:—

IN MEMORIAM

THESE GUNS WERE THE FORECASTLE ARMAMENT OF THE DUTCH FRIGATE 'ALLIANCE'

OF 36 GUNS

CAPTURED ON THE COAST OF NORWAY IN 1795

AFTER A CLOSE ACTION WITH H.M.S. 'STAG' OF 32 GUNS

COMMANDED BY CAPTAIN YORKE

OF SYDNEY LODGE

THE FATHER OF THE FOURTH EARL OF HARDWICKE WHO ON THIS SPOT IN 1829

PARTED FROM HIS BELOVED PARENT FOR THE LAST TIME

AND SAILED IN COMMAND OF H.M.S. 'ALLIGATOR'

FOR THE MEDITERRANEAN.

HE PLACES THIS STONE TO HIS FATHER'S MEMORY

September 4th, 1871] the charming house which Sir Joseph built out ofprize-money earned during the French wars, has all the associations ofa home for our branch of the family, and the love of the sea is aninheritance which we all derive from him. His professional ability isshown by the position he won in the service. Entering the navy in 1780when he was fourteen, he had plenty of opportunity of active service inthose stirring times. After serving on board one or two other vessels,Joseph Yorke joined the Duke commanded by Sir Charles Douglas, whomhe followed to the Formidable. That vessel was one of Rodney's fleetin the West Indies, and the boy fought in her at the famous action ofApril 12, 1782 in which that admiral completely defeated the Frenchunder De Grasse. He remained in the Formidable until she paid off in1783, and spent the years 1784-1789 on the Halifax station. In thelatter year he was promoted Lieutenant in the Thisbe under CaptainSir Samuel Hood and returned in her to England. Promotion followedrapidly. Yorke became a Commander in 1790 and Captain in 1793, in whichcapacity he served continuously on the home station, taking part in theblockade of Brest, until the Peace of Amiens.

During this time he had the good fortune to capture several largeprivateers from the enemy; he also took the Espiégle, a Frenchcorvette, close to Brest harbour and in sight of a very superior Frenchsquadron. In 1794 Captain Yorke was given command of the Stag, 32,and cruised in the Channel later off the coast of Ireland, and laterstill, with the North Sea Fleet under Lord Duncan.

'On the 22nd of August 1795, Captain Yorke being in company with alight squadron under the orders of Captain James Alms, gave chase totwo large ships and a cutter. At 4.15 P.M. the Stag brought thesternmost ship to close action, which continued with much spirit forabout half an hour, when the enemy struck, and proved to be theAlliance, Batavian frigate of 36 guns and 240 men. Her consorts theArgo 36, and Nelly cutter, 16, effected their escape aftersustaining a running fight with the other ships of the Britishsquadron. In this spirited action, the Stag had 4 men slain and 13wounded, and the enemy between 40 and 50 killed and wounded.'

He was at the Nore during the dangerous mutiny of 1798, and he leftamong his papers a very stirring address made to his crew on the daythat the mutineers were hung at the yard-arm. When the war broke outagain in 1803 he was again employed in the Channel, and aftercommanding the Barfleur and the Christian VII he was appointed ajunior Sea Lord in May 1810, when his brother was First Lord. In thisyear he was knighted when acting as proxy for Lord Hardwicke at hisinstallation as a Knight of the Garter; on July 31 he was promoted tothe rank of Rear-Admiral; and in the following January, with his flagin the Vengeur, he was sent out with reinforcements for Wellington toLisbon. These were landed on March 4, 1811, and on the news beingreceived, Massena broke up his camp in front of the lines of TorresVedras and began his retreat. This was Sir Joseph's last serviceafloat. In 1814, while still a member of the Board, he was appointedFirst Sea Lord under Lord Melville as First Lord, and held that highpost till 1818, a period of office which covered Lord Exmouth'sexpedition against Algiers in 1816. He became Vice-Admiral and KnightCommander of the Bath on January 2, 1815, when he also received thefreedom of the borough of Plymouth, and he was made a full Admiral onJuly 22, 1830. He had been member for Reigate since 1790, with aninterval as member for Sandwich, from 1812 to 1818.

Sir Joseph married in 1798 Elizabeth Weake Rattray and had a family offour sons and one daughter, afterwards Lady Agneta Bevan. Lady Yorkedied in 1812, and in 1815 he married Urania, Dowager Marchioness ofClanricarde and daughter of the twelfth Lord Winchester, who survivedhim. During his later years he lived mostly at Sydney Lodge, occupiedwith family interests, and in the administration of various charities,naval and other. My grandfather was a fine type of English sailor, veryhandsome in his youth, as Romney's portraits show, affectionate andhigh-spirited; altogether one of the most attractive figures in ourfamily history. Some following chapters will show him in his relationswith his son, and mention the peculiar circ*mstances attending hisaccidental death by drowning.

CHAPTER II

ALGIERS. 1815-1816

Charles Philip Yorke was born on April 2, 1799, at Sydney Lodge,Hamble, and like his father, was destined from the first for a navalcareer. He must have been quite a small boy when Sir Joseph presentedhim to Lord Nelson, and the family tradition is that the hero accostedhim with a kind smile and said, 'Give me a shake of your daddle, myboy, for I've only one to shake you with.'

The boy was sent to Harrow, and after a few years at that school wasentered, in his fourteenth year, at the Royal Naval College atPortsmouth, where he formed a friendship with John Christian Schetky,then drawing master at the college, and later Marine Painter to QueenVictoria, and a man of note in his profession. What little is known ofyoung Yorke's career at Portsmouth points to diligence and capacity,for he gained the gold medal in his second year after little more thaneighteen months at the college, a distinction which ensured hisimmediate entry into the service. On May 15, 1815, he was appointedmidshipman on board the Prince Regent, 98 guns, the flagship atSpithead, and a training which stood him in good stead in after lifewas begun under the commander of this vessel, Captain Fowke. A monthlater he was transferred to the Sparrowhawk, a brig of 18 gunscommanded by Captain Baines, then under sailing orders for theMediterranean.

There was no coddling in the navy in those days, and those who survivedits rigorous life were probably the fittest. I have heard my father saythat at this period the middies' soup was served in the tin boxes whichheld their co*cked hats, and that one of their amusem*nts was providedby races round the mess table of the weevils knocked out of the biscuitwhich was a part of their daily fare. Young Yorke, however, acceptedthis life and its hardships with all cheerfulness; and the spirit withwhich he entered the service and the interest he took in his professionfrom the first are, I think, abundantly clear from a letter he wrotehome to his father on July 15, 1815 from the Mediterranean, offCelebrina, after he had been a little more than a month at sea.

* * * * *

'I am afraid you will be surprised at my not writing to you oftener butI have had no opportunity of sending letters home, as we have spoken noships bound for England. I am happy to say that I am in perfect healthand have been so ever since I left you, and the hot country does not atall oppress me, or make me uncomfortable, as I expected it would atfirst, and I have not had a moment's sickness since I have been out. Ican only say that I am in every way so comfortable on the Sparrowhawkthat I have no desire to quit her at all. Perhaps you may think I amcomfortable in her through idleness and not having much duty put uponme; but I am one of the three Mids in the ship and the duty is heavy,there being only one Mid in each watch, and he has the duty of Mate ofthe watch, there being none; but I like my messmates, and we have acapital berth. Captain Baines is also a kind friend to me in every way;whatever may be said of him is nothing to me, his advice and friendshipto me is good and kind; he keeps me in practice with my navigation, forI work all the observations for the ship and take them also. It is, asyou may perceive by my writing, my wish to remain in her, but to thewill of my Father I submit; and I am also certain that seamanship andmy profession I shall learn by being six months in a brig. When we getto Genoa I shall see Lord Exmouth, but I will not give your letteruntil I hear from you again, but I shall tell him I have written to youconcerning the Sparrowhawk, and beg to remain in her till I hear fromyou.

'I shall now give you some short description of our voyage. We sailedfrom England on the Tuesday after I left you and tided it down channel,at Yarmouth we went ashore with the Captain and Officers to playcricket and had an excellent match, Sparrowhawks against Rosarios. Ingeneral we have had calms and fine weather, now and then a few puffs.Cape St. Vincent was the first land we made, that was on the 9th July,we anchored off the rock of Gibraltar on the 12th. Captain B. took meashore with him to see the place, it is a most extraordinary thing. Itis dreadfully hot, the reflection of the sun being so great; fromthence we sailed the following day and are now off Celebrina in a deadcalm. I think I shall see much of the Mediterranean in this ship, forshe will be always kept cruising and likely to stay out some time.Yesterday we cleared for action for a large brig that was bearing downupon us, but to our great disappointment, it proved to be an Englishbrig from Santa Maria to London with fruit. There is on board theSparrowhawk a carpenter by the name of Beach who sailed with you onthe Stag, and he wishes to be shifted into a larger ship; if youcould at any time have a thing of that sort in your power, you will bedoing him the greatest kindness. He did not apply to you, because whenhe was with you he refused a warrant, not thinking himself fit to holdthat situation. If you could do this, let me know, for I should like tosee him get a larger ship, for he is a most excellent man.

'17th.—Here we are still in the same place off Celebrina detained bycalms and light breezes, just now a breeze has sprung up which islikely to last. Last night we all went overboard and had a delightfulbath.

'29th.—We have just arrived at Genoa after a tedious and unpleasantvoyage, the last six days squalls and heavy gales of wind andlightning. Genoa is a most beautiful city, and situated mostdelightfully. Last night I was at the Opera, and it is exactly the sameas our own in England, it is much larger and a most magnificenttheatre. The houses are mostly of marble and beautifully ornamented,they are immensely high but the streets very narrow. There are no shipshere and we sail for Marseilles as soon as we have watered. Pray givemy best love to Lady C. and all hands on board.'

* * * * *

It is of interest to note the mention in this letter of Charles Yorke'sfirst visit to Genoa, and the impression that beautiful city, 'Genovala superba,' made upon his youthful imagination. As will appear furtheron in this memoir, he visited it again some thirty-five years later invery different circ*mstances, and that Genoa exists to-day, with muchof its beauty unimpaired, is mainly owing to the part played by CharlesYorke when, as Lord Hardwicke, he again appeared in a Britishman-of-war off that port.

The boy's wish to stay on the Sparrowhawk expressed in this letter tohis father was not fulfilled, for a month after his arrival in theMediterranean he was transferred to the Leviathan, of 74 guns,commanded successively by Captains F. W. Burgoyne and Thomas Briggs. Inher he remained a little less than a year, during which he had aserious attack of scarlet fever followed by rheumatism, which left himvery weak, and raised a question as to whether he should be invalidedhome. He was, however, exceedingly popular with his superiors, who weremost kind and attentive to him through his illness, and he was luckyenough to recover without having to return to England. In August of1816 he was again transferred, to the Queen Charlotte, CaptainBrisbane, a ship of the line of 120 guns, and the flagship of AdmiralLord Exmouth, commanding in the Mediterranean.

The young midshipman was most fortunate in being stationed under thatcommand, for it was the one place in the world at that moment wherethere was any probability of seeing active service. The supremacy ofthe British navy which had been established over the fleets of Franceand Spain at Trafalgar, and the recent peace which had followed thedefeat and surrender of Buonaparte, had removed any possibility ofcollision with a European State. But, as a matter of fact, the navalPowers, England in particular, had long been waiting an opportunity tosettle a long-standing account in the Mediterranean with a set ofpotentates established on the north coast of Africa, who had for yearsavailed themselves of the dissensions between the Great Powers to carryon a system of piracy and rapine of the most insolent and atrociouscharacter. During the naval wars which had lasted with short intervalsfor half a century, the fleets of England, France, Spain, and Hollandhad been so much occupied in fighting each other that they had beenunable to bestow much attention on the doings of these petty rulers,who were known collectively as the Barbary States, individually as theDeys of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. All of these owned nominalallegiance to the Sultan of Turkey at Constantinople when it suitedthem, but in reality claimed and exercised complete independence whensuch was convenient to any purpose they had in hand.

For half a century at least, the depredations of these barbarians hadmade the Mediterranean a sea of great peril for the merchant vessels ofall nations, and even for the fighting ships of the smallerMediterranean powers like Naples and Sardinia, whose weakly mannedvessels were often no match for the galleys and feluccas of the Barbarycorsairs. The ruffianly Deys made little attempt to conceal thepiratical nature of their proceedings, and became a perfect scourge notonly to the mariners of all nations in the Mediterranean, but also tothe unfortunate inhabitants of its shores. They ravaged the islands andcoastline of the mainland wherever there was plunder to be gained or anunprotected town to be raided, impudently hoisted the flags of one orother of the great naval powers then at war, and preyed upon thecommerce of the rest, plundered and burned their shipping, and, worstof all, consigned the crews of the vessels they captured or destroyedto all the horrors of slavery in a Mohammedan country.

Among these Barbary Powers the Deys of Algiers had long been the mostpowerful and the most truculent. During a lull in the fighting betweenFrance and England in the middle years of the eighteenth century,Admiral Keppel, [Footnote: Admiral Keppel, second son of the secondEarl of Albemarle, created Viscount Keppel for his gallant services;died unmarried in 1786. He was the eponymous hero of so many publichouses.] then a very youthful-looking captain, had been sent with asquadron to curb the insolence of the Dey of that period, which heeffected without the firing of a shot. Keppel demanded an interviewwith the Dey, and went ashore to the palace without a guard, and statedhis business in very plain terms. The Dey wondered at the presumptionof King George in sending a beardless boy as his ambassador. 'The Kingmy master,' replied Keppel, with a glance at the Dey's hairycountenance, 'does not measure wisdom by the length of the beard, or hewould have sent a he-goat to confer with your Highness.' The Dey ragedat this bold repartee, and began to speak of bowstrings and theministers of death. 'Kill me, if you will,' replied Keppel, pointingthrough the open window to his squadron riding in the roadstead, 'andthere are ships enough to burn your city and provide me with a gloriousfuneral pile.' Keppel's firmness had the result of checking theAlgerian piracies for a time, but during the long wars between thePowers which were shortly resumed, these were overlooked in the pressof matters of more urgency, and it was only with the return of apermanent and general peace, as already noted, that the Powers hadleisure to turn their attention to a state of things in theMediterranean which had long been intolerable.

In view of her established supremacy at sea, England was generallyregarded as the police-constable of Europe in naval affairs, and uponher fell the chief duty of chastening the Dey of Algiers, though onthis occasion the Dutch Government also lent its assistance. Quiteearly in the spring of 1816, Lord Exmouth placed himself incommunication with the Dey, and stated the terms of the Britishdemands. These were that the Ionian Islands, long a hunting-ground forthe Barbary pirates, should be henceforth treated as British territory;that the British Government should be accepted as arbitrator betweenthe Barbary Powers and Naples and Sardinia, who had a long list ofclaims and grievances against them; and that the Barbary Powers shouldenter into a definite undertaking to abolish all slavery of Christianswithin their dominions, and to treat all prisoners of war, of whatevernation, in accordance with the customs of civilised nations. The Deyagreed to the first two demands and released the Ionian slaves asBritish subjects, but declined all promises as to the abolition ofslavery. Leaving that matter in abeyance, Exmouth sailed on to Tripoliand Tunis, whose Deys he found more amenable to reason, and whoconsented to make declarations in the form demanded by the BritishAdmiral upon all three points.

Exmouth then returned to Gibraltar, where his squadron was assembled,and at once resumed negotiations with the Dey with the intention ofprocuring his adhesion to the all-important undertaking to abolishChristian slavery. The Dey, after many evasions, at length repeated hisrefusal on the ground that he was a subject or vassal of the Sultan,and could not consent to so important a stipulation without hisauthority. Exmouth granted a delay of three months accordingly, andhimself lent a frigate, the Tagus, to convey the Dey's envoy toConstantinople.

Meanwhile, however, the Dey committed an unpardonable atrocity. A coralfishery at Bona worked under the British flag was suddenly andtreacherously destroyed by an attack of the Algerines. The fishermenengaged at their work were, without warning of any kind, almostannihilated by artillery fire from the fort and by the musketry of 2000Algerian infantry, their houses and goods were given over to thelooting of the soldiery, the company's stores and magazines wererifled, and their boats either seized or sunk. This atrocity, ofcourse, put an end to all negotiation, and the Admiral, who had sailedfor England, was at once directed by the British Government to completethe work which he had initiated, and to exact the most amplesatisfaction and security for the future. He was offered any force thatmight be necessary, and surprised the naval authorities by his opinion,which was the result of observation upon the spot, that fiveline-of-battle ships, with frigates, bomb vessels and gun brigs, wouldbe sufficient for a successful attack on the formidable defences ofAlgiers. In less than two months Lord Exmouth commissioned, fitted,manned and trained his fleet, and on August 14, 1816, the expedition,including his own flagship the Queen Charlotte of 120 guns, theImpregnable of 98, three vessels of 70 guns, the Leander of 50,four smaller frigates and several armed vessels of lesser tonnage,sailed from Gibraltar. One of these, a gunboat, towed by the QueenCharlotte from that port, was placed under the command of CharlesYorke, who had just completed his seventeenth year. The Englishadmiral's force was joined at Gibraltar by a Dutch squadron of fivefrigates and a sloop under Admiral Baron von de Capellan.

On the very eve of the sailing of this powerful force, young Yorkewrote home a letter to his father which shows the spirit of the youngsailor and the enthusiasm which animated the fleet.

* * * * *

'MY DEAR FATHER,

'We are hove to for a Packet, and she is coming up fast, so my stavewill be short, with a strong breeze, which is to say I am quite well.We have a great deal to do, shall be at Gibraltar to-morrow if the windholds. We clear for action there, and leave all our chests, bulkheads,and everything we have except guns, powder, shot, &c. &c. of which wehave not a little.

'I have the honour to command one of H.M.S. Queen Charlotte's boatson service, and if there is any work, expect to cut no small caper. Ihave seen the plan of attack; all our fire is to be on the mole head.Us, the Leander, Superb and Impregnable are to be lashed togetherand as near the walls as possible. Minden engages a battery calledthe Emperor's Fort, and Albion stands off and on to relieve anydamaged ship. As soon as the Mole is cleared, we are to land; gloriousenterprise for the boats.

'Give my love to dearest Uranie and Lady C. [Footnote:
Dowager-Marchioness of Clanricarde, his stepmother.] &c. &c.

'Your affecte.

'C. YORKE.'

* * * * *

The British fleet with its allied Dutch squadron arrived off Algiers onAugust 21. Lord Exmouth had sent in advance a corvette with orders toendeavour to rescue the British Consul, a humane effort which, however,succeeded only in rescuing that gentleman's wife and child, andresulted, on the other hand, in the capture of the boat's crew ofeighteen men. The captain of the corvette reported that the Dey refusedaltogether to give up that official, or to be responsible for hissafety, and also that there were 40,000 troops in the town, in additionto the Janissaries who had been summoned from distant garrisons. TheAlgerine fleet, he said, consisted of between forty and fifty gun andmortar vessels, as well as a numerous flotilla of galleys. Works hadbeen thrown up on the mole which protected the harbour, and the fortswere known to be armed with a numerous artillery and to be of excellentmasonry with walls fourteen to sixteen feet thick. The Dey, thinkinghimself fairly secure behind such defences, was prepared with adetermined resistance.

On August 27, Lord Exmouth sent a flag of truce restating his demandsand giving a period of three hours for a reply. Upon the expiration ofthat term and on the return of the flag of truce without an answer, heanchored his flagship just half a cable's length from the mole head atthe entrance of the harbour, so that her starboard broadside flankedall the batteries from the mole-head to the lighthouse. The mole itselfwas covered with troops and spectators, whom Lord Exmouth vainly triedto disperse before the firing began by waving his hat and shouting fromhis own quarter-deck as the flagship came to an anchor at half-past twoin the afternoon.

'As soon as the ship was fairly placed,' writes Lord Exmouth'sbiographer, 'the sound of the cheer given by the crew was answered by agun from the Eastern Battery; a second and a third opened in quicksuccession. One of the shots struck the Superb. At the first flashLord Exmouth gave the order "Stand by," at the second "Fire." Thereport of the third gun was drowned by the thunder of the QueenCharlotte's broadside.'

Thus opened an engagement which is memorable among the attacks offleets upon land fortifications, and which fully justified LordExmouth's opinion that 'nothing can resist a line-of-battle ship'sfire.' The Algerine tactics were to allow the British squadron to cometo an anchor without molestation, and to board the vessels from theirgalleys while the British crews were aloft furling sails, for whichpurpose they had thirty-seven galleys fully manned waiting inside themole. To the surprise of the enemy, however, the British admiral hadgiven orders for the sails to be clewed from the deck, instead ofsending men aloft for the purpose, and the British ships were thus ableto open fire the moment they came to an anchor. The result of thissmart seamanship was an instant disaster for the Algerines; theirgalleys were all sunk before they could make the few strokes of the oarwhich would have brought them alongside, and tremendous broadsides ofgrapeshot from the Queen Charlotte and the Leander shattered theentire flotilla, and in a moment covered the surface of the harbourwith the bodies of their crews and with a few survivors attempting toswim from destruction.

On the molehead the effect of the British fire was terrible; the peoplewith whom it was crowded were swept away by the fire of the QueenCharlotte, which had ruined the fortifications there before theengagement became general, and then crumbled and brought down theLighthouse Tower and its batteries. The Leander's guns, whichcommanded the principal gate of the city opening on the mole, preventedthe escape of any survivors.

The batteries defending the mole were three times cleared by the
British fire, and three times manned again.

'The Dey,' wrote a British officer on the Leander, 'was everywhereoffering pecuniary rewards for those who would stand against us; eightsequins were to be given to every man who would endeavour to extinguishthe fire. At length a horde of Arabs were driven into the batteriesunder the direction of the most devoted of the Janissaries and thegates closed upon them.'

Soon after the battle began, the enemy's flotilla of gunboats advanced,with a daring which deserved a better fate, to board the QueenCharlotte, and a few guns from the latter vessel sent thirty-three outof thirty-seven to the bottom. Then followed the destruction of theAlgerine frigates and other shipping in the port, which were set onfire by bombs and shells and burned together with the storehouses andthe arsenal.

The Algerines, none the less, made a most determined resistance, andmaintained a fire upon the squadron for no less than eleven hours.Young Charles Yorke was in command of a tender of the flagship whichwas moored near to his parent ship, and was consequently in the midstof the hottest fire, within sixty yards of the mouths of the enemy'sguns, throughout the engagement. Long before that period had elapsed,however, he found himself running short of ammunition, and taking onemarine in his dinghy, pulled in her to the Queen Charlotte, climbedher side and made his way to the quarter-deck, where, saluting LordExmouth, he said, 'Sir, I am short of ammunition.' 'Well, my lad,'replied the admiral, 'I cannot help you, but if you choose to go below,and fetch what you want yourself, you are very welcome.' Charles Yorke,wishing for nothing better, again saluted and withdrew. He thendescended into the flagship's magazine, and single-handed brought up1368 lbs. of ammunition, which he lowered over her side to his singlemarine in the dinghy, and in her returned to his gunboat to resume hisfiring until the close of the action, when, by the aid of a landbreeze, which turned about half-past eleven into a tremendous storm ofthunder and lightning, the fleet was able to draw out from thebatteries. Nothing had been able to resist the concentrated andwell-directed fire, and the sea defences of Algiers, with a great partof the town itself, had by this time been shattered and reduced to ruin.

This success was only purchased at heavy cost, for the Britishcasualties, considering the size of the squadron, were enormous, theImpregnable being the chief sufferer. One hundred and twenty-eightmen were killed and 690 wounded, while the Dutch lost thirteen andfifty-two respectively. The Leander had every spar injured and herrigging cut to pieces, and when her cables were at last shot away, wasunable to set a single sail, and so was drifting helplessly ashore,when a fortunate change of wind allowed her boats to bring her to asecond anchorage. On the flagship the enemy's fire was so hot that LordExmouth himself escaped most narrowly, being slightly wounded in threeplaces, and the skirts of his coat were shot away by a cannon-ball.

When the morning broke, the admiral found that he had brought the Deyto reason. Having first beheaded his prime minister, that potentatereleased the British Consul and the boat's crew he had detained beforethe action, handed over the ransom money he had extorted from capturedsubjects of Naples and Sardinia in exchange for their freedom,amounting to no less than 382,000 dollars, and undertook, 'in thepresence of Almighty God,' to release all Christian slaves in hisdominions, to abandon the enslavement of Christians for the future, andto treat all prisoners of war with humanity until regularly exchanged,according to European practice in like cases. About 1200 slaves, thebulk of them Neapolitans and Sicilians, were embarked on the 31st,making, with those liberated a few weeks before, more than 3000 personswhom Lord Exmouth thus had the satisfaction of delivering from slavery.He sailed away from the city without leaving a single Christian slave,so far as could be gathered, in either of the Barbary States.

Charles Yorke's conduct at this engagement was fully recognised byCaptain Brisbane, who, when the young midshipman came to leave theQueen Charlotte a few months later, wrote his certificate in thefollowing terms:

* * * * *

'These are to certify the principal officers and commissioners of HisMajesty's navy that Mr. Charles Philip Yorke served as midshipman onboard H.M.S. Queen Charlotte from the 11th day of July to the 16thOctober 1816, during which time he behaved with diligence and sobriety,and was always obedient to command. His conduct at the battle ofAlgiers was active, spirited, and highly meritorious.

'(Signed) JAMES BRISBANE,

'Captain.'

* * * * *

Charles Yorke's share in this action, together with his later services,is recorded on a tablet, next to a similar one to Lord Exmouth, in theEnglish chapel at Algiers, by his daughter, the writer of the presentmemoir.

It may be added that he always cherished the memory of thedistinguished admiral under whom he served on this occasion, and thatin later years he purchased from Sir William Beechy's studio a portraitof Lord Exmouth on his quarter-deck at Algiers, in full dress andorders as the naval fashion then was, which hung on the great staircaseat Wimpole.

Still in his seventeenth year, Charles Yorke had not yet served longenough for promotion, and was transferred on October 17 of the sameyear, 1816, to the Leander, commanded by Sir David Milne, who hadbeen second in command at Algiers, and was then under orders for theNorth American station at Halifax, where the Leander shortly sailed.

CHAPTER III

THE NORTH AMERICAN STATION. 1817-1822

A few letters which my father wrote home from the Halifax station,covering a period of about twelve months from July 1817, I set out hereas giving better than any comment of my own an account of his life andexperiences in Nova Scotia at that time. They present a self-reliantcharacter, and the young midshipman who was so early recognised by hissuperior officers as efficient and capable was found worthy of a small,but most important, command soon after joining this station. Hisfather, Sir Joseph Yorke, who lost no opportunity of watching his son'sprogress in his profession, was a little nervous at his undertaking aresponsibility of the kind, but how well his superiors' confidence wasjustified will be evident from his letters. Young Yorke was full ofpride in his little sloop the Jane, and there is no hint in hisletters of the risk and danger of this service. As a fact, she was anexceedingly difficult craft to handle, and if not unseaworthy, was, tosay the least, an unpleasant vessel in a sea, with decks constantlyawash, and the character she bore in the service appears in hernickname the Crazy Jane. I have often heard my father describe thisas a most arduous and dangerous service, and say that life upon theJane was 'like living on a fish's back.' In her he made voyages toBermuda from Halifax and back with despatches and ships' mails in veryheavy weather, and I find the following note referring to this servicein my mother's handwriting:

'C. commanded the Jane at the age of nineteen, carrying mails fromBermuda to Halifax during winter months when ordinary mail was struckoff, during which perilous service he had not a man on board who couldwrite or take an observation. This crazy Jane was hardly seaworthy,and he finished her career and nearly his own by running her intoHalifax Harbour in the dark, all hands at the pump.'

His certificate from Sir David Milne contains the following passage:

'Mr. Charles Philip Yorke, Midshipman of H.M.S. Leander, commandedthe Jane, Sloop, tender to the said ship bearing my flag, from the23rd of December 1817 to the date hereof, during which time he took hertwice in safety from Halifax to Bermuda, and from Bermuda to Halifax,and was at sea in her at different other periods, and conducted himselfat all times so as to merit my entire approbation.' Dated 28th December.

* * * * *

H.M.S. 'LEANDER,' HALIFAX:

July 10, 1817.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'I almost fear my letters have not reached you, for the May packet hasarrived, and no letters. But silence I always take in a favourablelight, so I conclude you are all well and happy; indeed I had a letterfrom Lady St. Germans which informed me so.

'I am, thank God, very well and like my station very much; it is reallya very pleasant place, and the inhabitants attentive and hospitable. Iam now very well acquainted all over Halifax thanks to Captain Lumley'skindness; pray tell him so, for the family he introduced me to is verypleasant and kind, so that it is a great comfort to go on shore, and tobe able to spend your evenings among friends instead of being obligedto go to a dirty tavern.

'I have been on several very delightful fishing parties, and have neverreturned with less than three or four dozen fine trout. This will makethe English sportsmen stare, but the fishing here is beyond everythingI could have imagined. The shooting has not come in as yet, and doesnot until August, and then it will be very fine.

'The way I go fishing is this. I have got an Indian canoe, and I justjump into it with my gear, paddle on shore, shoulder it, and carry itto the lakes. I am become quite an Indian in the management of thiscanoe, and with the expense of only one ducking. I was upset in theharbour, but swam on shore and towed the canoe and all with me quitesafe. I can paddle this canoe much faster than any gig in the fleet.

'We are now just on the point of sailing for Shelburne with Ld. andLady Dalhousie, and I fancy shall be absent about ten days. The Janehas not yet arrived, so I am still a mid, not a captain, but expect herhourly. Last Monday we mids of the Leander gave a grand entertainmentto the inhabitants of Halifax and officers of the fleet; a play, ball,and supper, which went off remarkably well. The Iron Chest was theplay; the Wags of Windsor the farce. I did not perform being stewardof the supper, but merely spoke the prologue. Our stage was very largeand scenery very good, and on the whole, nothing could go off with moreéclat than it did.

'The girls of Halifax are pretty, generally speaking, and certainlyrather ladylike in their manners, but not very accomplished, but thereis one thing very formidable in their structure, which is tremendoushoofs, so that a kick from one of them would make you keep your bed fora week. But they certainly are 50 degrees better than the Bermudians,they are very affable and agreeable, which is the great point to anindifferent person.

'Now I have tired your patience with lots of nonsense, which in fact isall the news I have to tell, so you must excuse it. Give my kindestlove to Lady Clanricarde, Urania, and all the boys, not forgettinglittle Agneta, who by this time must be grown and improved much.

'I remain, my dear Father,

'Your most affectionate son,

'C. P. YORKE.'

SIR J. S. YORKE,

Admiralty.

* * * * *

H.M.S. 'LEANDER,' HALIFAX HARBOUR:

Aug. 8, 1817.

'MY DEAR FATHER,

'I have received your letter by this packet, and am very sorry to findyou disapprove of my commanding the Admiral's tender, and am alsoastonished to find that you can imagine I have so little command ofmyself that I cannot keep from what you term "low company." This is athing which since I have been at sea I have never kept, and especiallyat a time when I had charge of a vessel and the safety of men's lives.I am happy to say I took care of myself and of the vessel, and pleasedthe Admiral as much as I could wish. I have not got the large tender,as I expected, on account of a prior application having been made,which I am now glad of, as you disapprove of the sort of thing, and itcertainly will deter me from accepting any offer of the kind made tome, though at the same time I consider myself perfectly capable inevery sense of the word.

'I am very glad to hear Grantham has so well got over the measles.

'We have had a very pleasant trip along shore to Shelburne, Liverpooland Mirligash(?), all of which ports you knew well in their formerstate. Shelburne now is miserably fallen off, not above 200 inhabitantsin that once populous town, and more than half the houses falling tothe ground, having no owners. I asked the price of a good house andabout 40 acres of land, and they said the most they could ask for itwould be £30, a cheap place to settle, for provisions also are cheaperthan anywhere I have been. Liverpool is a very flourishing little town,and on the contrary with Shelburne, a rising place with a vast deal ofcommerce and trade which keep the place quite alive. At these twoplaces I had capital fishing both salmon and trout. I caught one day atLiverpool three very fine salmon and two or three dozen trout. In thiscountry they take most with the fly, and it does not matter of whatdescription. I am now become a very expert fly fisherman, make my ownflies, &c. Pray next season send me out a good assortment of fly gearwhich is rather difficult to get here and not good.

'I am going to-morrow to Salmon River, a very fine river about sevenmiles inland on the Dartmouth side. I was there last week with two ofour officers, and between the three of us we caught eleven dozen salmontrout. Fine sport, and all with the fly. Do not forget to send me aflute as soon as possible and some music; let it be new. Give mykindest love to Lady C., Urania, and all hands. How delightful theLodge must look. I suppose the Urania is by this time ready for sea,and Henry fighting captain. I must say I envy your circle, but Adieu!

'I remain, my dear Father,

'Your most affectionate son,

'C. P. YORKE.'

* * * * *

Aug. 14.

'I imagined that the packet was just going to sail, but I am happy tosay I am disappointed because I have a little news to tell you. I amjust returned from a cruise of rather a curious sort. I have been sentalong the coast with a party of armed men to take some smugglers whoran from the Leander. I landed at Chester, and marched and rode justas I could to Lunenburg, but without success, and then back, and soabout twenty miles to the eastward. It gave me a good opportunity ofseeing the country, and made it very pleasant, from the kindness andhospitality of the inhabitants. I have no doubt I shall have many ofthese trips from being in the admiral's and captain's notice. Thisletter I send by Moorsom, whom you may recollect when I was at college.Now I shall conclude with love and best wishes to all.'

* * * * *

H.M.S. 'LEANDER,' HALIFAX: Novr. 12, 1817.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'I received both your most kind letters by the Forth and packet,which as you may suppose, gave me great pleasure and satisfaction. Ireturn you my most grateful thanks for your great kindness in attendingto my little wishes, and hope the things will arrive quite safe. I havewritten as you wished to Lady St. G. and told her all the news I couldthink of, which I shall now relate to you.

'We have not been out of harbour since the cruise to the east, so I gotleave of absence and accepted the invitation of Judge Wilkins (Lumley'sfriend) to go and spend some time with him at Windsor, a small townabout forty-five miles N.E. of Halifax, where I assure you, I passed mytime very pleasantly in shooting, fishing, &c. In that part of NovaScotia the country is beautiful, completely cleared of wood, very wellcultivated, and yields to its owners immense crops of grain. I am nowreturned to the ship, and we sail for Bermuda in about a fortnight orthree weeks. This I am rather sorry for, for Halifax is very pleasantduring the winter, and Bermuda always very much otherwise. But SirDavid Milne dreads the cold, so we go.

'I am remarkably well in every point, and find the climate agrees withme very well indeed. I am glad to hear Urania made her début with somuch éclat in the beau monde at Winchester, pray let me also hearof her in town. I am glad to hear all the boys are well and getting onso fast in their respective schools. Agneta [Footnote: Agneta,afterwards Lady Agneta Bevan.] by this time must be a very finelittle girl; does she ever talk of me? I really have no news to tellyou worth mention, but the service is very stale for want of war, everyday the same story. Adieu, my dear Father.

'Your most affectionate son,

'C. P. YORKE.

'Tell my uncle Mr. Yorke I will write to thank him for his present assoon as I have it in my possession.'

* * * * *

H.M.S. SLOOP 'JANE,' BERMUDA:

Jan. 23, 1818.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'I sit down to write to you after rather a long silence, but I havebeen quite well and by no means ill employed. I did not hear from youby the last packet, so by your silence I consider all is well and rightin England.

'I have the satisfaction to communicate to you I am honoured by thecommand of the Jane Sloop on this station, which command I shall inall probability keep till my return to England. The young man whocommanded her before and whom I superseded, was obliged to invalid fromher after he brought her from Halifax. She sailed in company with usand we experienced a heavy gale of wind, and the poor Jane was nearlylost, but escaped with the loss of her bulwarks. She really is abeautiful vessel; was a Yankee clipper in the war; 80 tons and 12 men.I am remarkably happy in her, as you may suppose. I anticipate muchpleasure going up the St. Lawrence in her next summer. I am sure youwill be happy to hear of my good luck, but pray do not have any moredreads of my inability to command. I positively would not accept it ifI thought myself in the least inadequate to undertake it. I have nowagain fitted her at the dockyard at Ireland where I saw much of yourfriend Commissioner Lewis, who really is to me a very kind andaffectionate friend; I like him exceedingly.

'The packet is just arrived, and I have received your letter of the26th ult, and likewise one from Lady St. G. You may believe your lettergave me sincere gratification to find that I am giving you allsatisfaction; it is the first wish of my heart to be a credit to myfriends and an honour to my country. It is not my wish to be expensivein the least beyond what it is necessary for a gentleman to be, to paymy debts, have a good coat on my back, and sufficient in my pocketnever to be made look foolish. Now that I keep house for myself Ishall, I fear, be a little more expensive, for reasons which you mustwell know, and the first fit out is the worst and greatest, after thatall is regular, and I am sure you do not wish me to live on HisMajesty's own altogether. Bermuda is a terrible dear place.

'This vessel you may know something of by hearsay, Mr. Brett, the 1st
Lieut. of the Wye had her up the Bay of Fundy.

'You may rely on it I will express your gratitude to Lord Dalhousie forhis attentions to me the very first time I have an opportunity. I neednot express to you how much I regret the loss of your departed friendMrs. Rattray, but her great sufferings in this world made it rather ablessing than otherwise, especially to one I believe to have been sotruly good. Your advice of the prudence of keeping a ship's head offshore when near the land at night is a point of my profession I havelong seen the absolute necessity of, especially on the coast of NovaScotia where the fogs are so intense, and the shore so dangerous. Butif ever there was in my humble opinion a lubberly series of accidentsfrom the time she got on shore to the time she was on her beam endsalongside the wharf, it was on board H.M.S. Faith. The first thingshe did after getting on shore was to anchor in Halifax harbour withher B.B. anchor without a buoy on it, slipped her cable and neverbuoyed it, took in moorings, unshipped her rudder and let it go to thebottom; slipped her anchors without a buoy on them, and to cap thewhole, let three of her guns fall overboard in getting them outalongside the wharf. Sir D. Milne was furious, no wonder. I am sure Ican with pleasure meet you halfway in your wishes to establish a freeintercourse of sentiment between us, for I am perfectly sure, mydearest Father, I can nowhere find a better friend and adviser.

'I am exceedingly happy to hear so favourable accounts of theyoungsters, and of Lady Clanricarde and her fair daughter.

'Bermuda is a dull place. I am perfectly at my ease and my own master,and the only things which annoy me are the tremendous gales of windwhich blow here, and which I, of course, feel much in the Jane. Theadmiral did think of sending me to the West Indies for a cruise, but Ibelieve that is dropped, as he now and then uses me to sail him aboutfor his health. I am a very good pilot for Bermuda, what with theschooner and sloop Jane.

'Remember me most kindly to all; I shall answer Lady St. G. immediately.

'Adieu, my dear Father,

'Your affectionate son,

'C. P. YORKE.'

* * * * *

'JANE,' HALIFAX: June 16, 1818.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'… I am still in the Jane, and continue in every way to givesatisfaction. I brought her from Bermuda, parted company from thesquadron in a fog, and got in before the admiral; you may suppose I wasnot a little pleased with my navigation. I have pretty often the honourof presiding at my own table, as Sir David often takes trips with mealong shore, on fishing excursions, &c. &c., which makes it exceedinglypleasant.

'… I have been somewhat uneasy about some drafts upon you—heavierthan usual—and I fear you will be led to think I am getting into anextravagant turn, but it is not so, I assure you. In this vessel I amobliged to find everything, and Bermuda charges are so extravagant thatnothing can equal them. At any time you please to call for my bills andreceipts they are at your service, but mark, I have no debts. I neverleave a port that I do not pay every shilling. Pray let me know whatyou wish; if Sir D. Milne goes home, shall I return with him or not? Ihave not quite a year more to serve; or shall I remain with Ld. —- whoI understand will supersede him?…

'C. P. YORKE'

* * * * *

'JANE,' HALIFAX:

Aug. 19, 1818.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'It is with the greatest pleasure I received your most kind andaffectionate letter from St. James's St. I am delighted to see by yourletter you are recovering your spirits and that you have been electedfor Reigate, for I should have been very sorry for both you and myuncle to give up.

'I am happy to inform you that I am in perfect health and enjoying allthe happiness that that invaluable blessing brings, and all the littlecomforts which your bounty affords me, together with the happinesswhich the perfect approbation of my superiors and respect of myinferiors can alone give a man. I feel your great kindness andgenerosity more than I can express; by the way you speak on moneymatters I hope to God I never may offend you by an absurd extravagance.

'I am excessively delighted with all you say of my kind family,particularly Lady St. G. who I am truly rejoiced to hear is so muchbetter. Say everything that is kind from me to her, and my apology fornot writing is that my right hand is very weak, as you may see from mywriting, from an inflammation I have had in it occasioned entirely by aslight scratch on the knuckle of the fore finger; but it is now quitewell, but still weak.

'You are now enjoying the sweets of Sydney Lodge and its appendages,the Urania by no means the smallest of the inanimate sort, on boardof which ship I hope your 1st Lieut. that gallant officer Mr. H. Yorkecontinues to give perfect satisfaction, and also the mate of the decks,Mr. E. Y. mid. continues to improve his mind in those studies which ayoung gentleman of his abilities should attend to. I am very happy tohear Urania is grown up so fine a young woman; I most sincerely hopethat all the wishes of her fond and amiable mother may be perfectlyfulfilled. Pray give my love to her, if I may say so much now, if not,my esteem and regard. Pray give my love to Lady C. and tell her that Ilook forward with extreme pleasure to the time when I shall see her andall the family. Among my remembrances do not forget Nurse Jordan.

'Now I will tell you the little or nothing I have been doing since Iarrived. I sailed on the [ ] of June on a cruise of pleasure having thehonour of the company of Sir D. Milne and Col. Duke. We sailed up theMuscadobit, or Bank's Inlet, to fish, in which river the pilot ran usashore three times; each time obliged to shore up, being left almostdry at low water, and on one night about eleven, all in bed, down shecame bumpus on her bilge; in consequence of our shores being made oftrees with the bark on, the bark and lashings went together. Wereturned to Halifax where I refitted, and have not been out since, butsail on Monday on a cruise to the eastward in company with Leanderand Dee, which will be very pleasant, as we touch at every harbourwhere there is lots of sport. Oh, I quite forgot to thank my uncle andyourself for the books that are coming….

'C. P. YORKE.'

* * * * *

'JANE,' HALIFAX:

Octr. 19, 1818.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'… We had a very agreeable cruise of six weeks and on my return I amnow fitting for Bermuda, to which place we sail next Sunday in companywith Leander and Belette. I have not time to give you an account ofour cruise, so I must defer it to my next; suffice it to say I haveenjoyed most perfect health and my little command now in high order andbeauty….

'C. P. YORKE'

* * * * *

My father got his first promotion as acting lieutenant on theGrasshopper early in 1819 at the age of twenty, and was confirmed inthat rank by commission bearing date of August of the same year. In thefollowing October he joined the Phaeton frigate, on which vessel heserved during the rest of his service on the North American stationuntil 1822, when he got a second step.

There is no doubt he learned his profession very thoroughly duringthose years in the North Atlantic; he deplores the absence of theexcitement of war in one of his letters, but he had ample opportunityof graduating in the details of seamanship, which, like otherprofessions, can be best learned at an early age, and by those whosehearts are in their work and are diligent in their business. In thosequalities my father was certainly not lacking, though he managed toprocure a share of enjoyment, which is the privilege of youth and highspirits. There are many anecdotes told of him at this time. On oneoccasion he swam across the harbour at Halifax, a feat which, in thecirc*mstances, I have heard described with great admiration. Onanother, a lady giving a ball and wishing to prolong the pleasures ofthe evening, consulted Lieutenant Yorke as to the best way. Shesuggested putting back the clocks, but he advanced a step or two onthat proposal, and while dancing was going on vigorously, stepped awayand hung all the ladies' cloaks on a large tree not far from the frontdoor. Imagine the confusion and merriment! I have often heard him tellthe story.

His next appointment, in 1822, was to the command of the brigAlacrity, where I shall be able to follow him in some interesting andimportant service on the Mediterranean station.

CHAPTER IV

GREEK PIRACY. 1823-1826

Charles Yorke, having attained the rank of commander in May of 1822,was in August of the same year appointed to the command of the sloopAlacrity, and in her sailed to the Mediterranean in the autumn,anchoring at Gibraltar on November 29. He was dispatched to thatstation to take up some important duties in the Greek Archipelago,which arose out of the Greek War of Independence, then in full progress.

Until the year 1821, the Greeks, though often ready to rebel againstthe Turkish government at the instigation of the agents of foreignPowers like Russia or France, had shown little capacity for any reallynational movement. But the gradual spread of liberal ideas whichfollowed the French Revolution; the bravery which distinguished theresistance of certain sections of the Hellenic peoples, such as theSuliotes, and Spakiots of Crete; the aspirations of Ali Pacha, whoconceived the idea of severing his connection with the Sultan andassuming the independent government of Albania; the impunity with whichthe Klephts or pirates pursued their calling in the Levant, allcombined to demonstrate the real weakness of the Turkish rule, and atlast brought about a national rising.

This is not the place to enter into any detailed account of the War ofIndependence which followed, but its main events must be mentioned inorder to make clear the letters which my father wrote from the scenesof the disturbance. The insurrection was begun in 1821 by PrinceAlexander Hypsilantes, who crossed the Pruth in March of that year, buthis efforts failed and he fled to Austria three months later; and othermovements in the northern provinces had a similar fate. But the risingin the Peloponnesus under Germanos, the Archbishop of Patros, was moresuccessful; his forces drove the Turks before them, and theindependence of the country was proclaimed in January of 1823. TheGreeks, however, displayed little power of combination, and theirpartial success was followed by internal dissensions which greatlyweakened their cause. Mavrocordato was elected president, but theaspirants for honours and leadership were numberless, the variousfactions were continually quarrelling with each other, and there was atlength open civil war inspired by Colcotronis.

Meanwhile the aspirations of Greece had excited great sympathythroughout Europe; a Greek Committee was formed in London; thePhilhellenes became very powerful in most countries on the continent,as well as in America, and many volunteers, of whom Lord Byron was anotable example, enlisted in the cause of Greek liberty.

The Greek fleet, led by Miaoulis from 1823 onward, was exceedinglyactive; the Greek seamen inspired the Turks with great terror, and didimmense damage to their fleets. The Turks retaliated by takingvengeance on the unprotected islands of the archipelago, and committedunspeakable atrocities on the inhabitants of Chios in 1822, and twoyears later upon those of Kasos and Psara. In 1824 the Sultan invokedthe aid of Mehemet Ali, Pacha of Egypt, whose stepson, Ibrahim, landedin the Peloponnesus and with his Arab troops carried all before him,when the Greeks lost most of what they had acquired. The war, however,was continued for many years; Lord Cochrane became admiral of the Greekfleet and Sir Robert Church took command of the land forces. The actionof Navarino, which occurred in 1827 almost by accident, had a greateffect upon the fortunes of the struggle. The fleets of England,France, and Russia were cruising about the coasts of the Peloponnesusto prevent the ravages of the Turkish fleet on the islands andmainland, and selected a winter anchorage at Navarino, where theTurkish and Egyptian fleets lay. The Turks thinking they were menacedopened fire upon the combined fleets, and were annihilated in theengagement which followed. In the following year the Greeks had the aidof the French, who cleared the Morea of Turkish troops, and by the endof the year Greece was practically independent. Some anarchy followedthe assassination of the President Capodostrias in 1831, but at lengthOtho of Bavaria was crowned king, and in 1832 a convention was signedby which the protecting Powers of Europe recognised the new kingdom andassigned its limits; and Greece attained an independence which she hassince maintained.

Among the results of this long period of anarchy and insurrection wasan outbreak of piracy among both Greeks and Turks. Individualchieftains called their followers together, established theirhead-quarters in out-of-the-way creeks, and preyed upon the commerce ofthe Levant without any interference from their Government. As in thecase of the Barbary Powers, the depredations of these pirates became atlength so intolerable that the Governments of Europe were obliged tointerfere for the protection of their subjects.

Commander Yorke's part as representing his country in the mission heundertook, to put down this state of things, appears fully in theletters written to his father at intervals, which follow, and we theresee the important position he had to fill. He was, as he says, in thoseeastern waters in the double capacity of warrior and diplomatist, or inother words to command a neutral armed vessel, act impartially betweenGreek and Turk, and protect trade from the piracies of both nations.This was no easy task, and it appears that though his sympathies werewith the Greek cause, of the two he preferred the Turk as by far thebest to deal with.

It will be seen that he had to go round visiting the chief islands,Corfu, Cephalonia and Zante, and ascertain from the governors if theyhad any grievances to be remedied. He had no positive orders for hisguidance, but only 'act as you think most fit.' Often he found himselfin difficulties without even an interpreter, and so obliged to makehimself understood, if he could, in French. His short but graphicdescription of Lord Byron at Missolonghi and his rencontre with ColonelLeicester Stanhope will interest many readers.

From a journal kept by Commander Yorke during this service, which heheads 'A few Miscellaneous Remarks. H.M. Sloop Alacrity,' beginningin 1823, and now with the Hardwicke MSS. at the British Museum, I finda few facts which supplement those of the letters. He records receivingmuch civility from Lord Chatham at Gibraltar, and sailed from that porton December 2 in company with the Sybella for Malta, a passage whichoccupied about fourteen days. After ten days at Malta refitting, he wasordered to proceed to the Ionian station. He describes with greatadmiration the beauty of the scene at sunrise on New Year's Day of 1824as the Alacrity made the coast of Epirus, the snow-covered mountainsof Albania contrasting with the green and fertile shore of Corfu withits olive gardens reaching down to the water's edge. At Corfu he dinedwith commissioners, generals, and at messes; and records meeting LordByron's 'Maid of Athens,' 'who is now rather passée, but certainlyhas remains of a fine face and a bad figure; large feet, of course,that all the Greeks have,' he writes. There are accounts of otherdiversions, including a week's shooting with a Mr. P. Steven and theofficers of the 90th Regiment, which he describes as 'a marvellousslaughter of woodco*cks,' after which he sailed to Missolonghi, where hearrived on January 23. The letters describe his further experiences.

* * * * *

H.M.S. 'Alacrity,' Gibraltar:

Nov. 29, 1823.

'My dearest Father,

'I this morning at six o'clock anchored under the cloud-cap't top ofthis extraordinary rock, and found that Alacrity had made a betterpassage by some hours than either Ganges or Sybella who are allhere. I paid my devoirs to Lord Chatham who asked after you, also yourold Teetotum G—- who I found in the very act of entertaining theladies of Gib with breakfast, music and a trip to Algeciras in theTribune's boats to spend the day. He seems in great force and sorryto leave this part of the world, indeed, they say that love has much todo in the case. I afterwards paid my devoirs to the American Commodore,Jones, who is here in the Constitution, and went over his ship; Ifelt proud to see the ship that had captured our frigate—she isenormous. Her cable and rigging in inches the same as the Ganges bylevel measurement, for they have taken the pains to examine, but she isnow in what I should call a state of nature as bad as I could wish tosee a Yankee in, with 450 men on board who look as if they were tiredof their work, and the officers say so.

'I have met a very intelligent man just left Cadiz, and have seen andconversed with some of the Spanish Constitutionalists. Spain is in adreadful state; anarchy, confusion, highway robbery and assassinationdaily take place. The game is up, if France has got and will keepmilitary possession of Cadiz. The French are disgusted with the wholething—the country and the people…. Officers and nobles are on thehighway.

'I shall sail for Malta on Monday. I am engaged in taking big guns up.Alacrity is the most comfortable vessel I have ever been in.

'Adieu. Love to all.

'Your affectionate and dutiful son,

'C. YORKE.

'I sailed without my Government chronometers, they were so bad I wouldnot take them, but the one C—- has on board is capital and we made therock to a mile.'

* * * * *

GIBRALTAR:

March 9, 1824.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'It is a long while since I have had an opportunity of putting pen topaper to address you, not having been in any Christian Port for sometime, nor have I received a single line from any one since I left you.

'I am just arrived at this port having brought Convoy from Malta, andnow I am here I think I had better begin at the other end of my story,and so come down to the present time, instead of going back; relatingall the little matters just as they are and how H.M. sloop and her crewhave been employ'd since I last address'd you from the same place.

'I sailed from Gibraltar to Malta in company with my friend Capt.Pechel, and after remaining at that Island for ten days to put a littleto rights I proceeded to the Ionian Islands and there, as I believe Ibefore told you, to act in the capacity of warrior and diplomatist, orin other words, as an arm'd neutral vessel between the Turks andGreeks, to protect our trade from the piracies of both Nations, Iassure you no very easy task, but certainly of the two the Turk is thebest by far to deal with. I visited the Islands of Corfu, Cefalonia andZante, inquiring of the Governors and if they had any abuses to beremedied, and I soon had over ten Petitions from Merchants whose boatshad been plundered and pillaged by both parties.

'Now we are on this station placed in rather awkward circ*mstances,having no positive orders how to act in cases of refusal and obstinacyon the part of these People, but only, to act as you think most fit;how the Government would bear us out in any act of violence such astaking by force that which they will not give up I know not; even withjustice on your side, I question much whether they would support you.

'I ask'd and consulted Sir T. Maitland on the mode I should adopt, buthe seem'd to advise that where they had captured a vessel, or property,and refused to give it up on a fair review of the case, to take "vi etarmis" an equivalent or the vessel that committed the act. Thus armedwith his opinion it was not long before an opportunity offered, andone, take it all in all, which was to me most interesting. A vessel ofthe Greek fleet had captured an Ionian vessel coming from Patras toZante with a cargo "as the Petition stated" worth 400 Dollars, andhaving plundered her and ill used the crew, permitted the vesselherself to depart. This petition is put into my hands by Col. Sir F.Steven the resident of Zante, for here a Capt. of a man of war is aspecies of Penang Lawyer, and whenever a petition comes to any of thesegentlemen they always say "Oh! give it the Capt. of the Brig orFrigate, &c. he will soon settle it, and do it by Club Law." Howeveraway I went to Missolonghi, and anchored off the Town on the 23rd ofJany. observing ten sail of Turkish men of war to leeward, went onshore, and with much difficulty we poked our way through the narrowchannels of this extraordinary place, there being a low flat of sandturning out from the land about seven miles; it seems to be the onlydefence the town has. Had an interview with Mavrocordato who receivedme of course, with civility, on Divan, supposing that I came to do himno good, having with me two or three officers and an arm'd boats crew.When I landed I met with a face that put me in mind of Hyde Park,Balls, Parties, Almacks, &c. This was no one more or less than Col.Leicester Stanhope come out with Jeremy Bentham under his arm to givethe Greeks a constitution.

'Powerful in strength must he be who can manage this; long in pocket,with a head filled up with every talent that man is capable ofpossessing and a pair of loaded pistols in his belt, with no more wordsthan are absolutely necessary to warn people, if they do not do this,that they will have a chance of being sent to sleep with their Fathers.

'St. James's Street and English notions must be abolish'd, so must allRomance of Liberty and the children of the antient Greeks struggling toshake off the yoke of the bloody Turk; Lord Byron knows all this, andis in fact the only man that has ever come out to them who understandsthe people. He was at Missolonghi, living in every way like a greatChief; and in fact he is so, arm'd to the teeth with 500 Suliotes, thebravest and best troops the Greeks have, and twenty German Veterans,besides a certain Count Gamba, a beautiful Albanian Page, an ItalianChasseur, and an old Scotch butler, making in all about 530 well arm'dmen, besides the Suliotes from all parts of Greece flocking to himdaily, he could if he liked set up a Govt. in Missolonghi, but as hehates governments, and likes this sort of life where his nod and beckare a law, he will have nothing to do with their legislation altho'they come and offer to place him at the head of the Governmentvictorious. He however has pay'd their fleet for them, who immediatelylanded their Admiral and sailed away the Lord knows where. 'The firstinterview I had with this Prince Mavrocordato I could do nothing, as Iplainly saw they were detaining me while they made out a case and thatStanhope's wits were put in requisition. In addition to which I had nointerpreter, and so I was obliged to speak French, the only otherlanguage Mavrocordato understood besides Greek. So I broke up theinterview by saying it was late and that I should wait on him againto-morrow. This however I did not effect, as it blew a gale on thefollowing day, but the next I again saw him, and having previously puta few questions to the purpose on paper I defeated his quibbles, andmade him refund in hard dollars the value of the cargo, threateningthat if he did not I should burn, sink and destroy immediately. I gavehim four hours to consider of it, and stay'd with Ld. Byron until thetime elapsed, much amused by all his sayings and anecdotes, firingpistols at a mark, eating, &c. &c.

'The time pass'd and the money came; thus ended my diplomatic Missionat Missolonghi. I have just seen some English papers, they talk ofMissolonghi having sixty pieces of Cannon and a large garrison.

'I can only say from personal knowledge that if it has sixty pieces ofCannon they are all on the wrong side, or where the Dutchman had hisanchor. The garrison consisted of about 1000 arm'd men 500 of whom wereLord Byron's Suliotes. The only defence towards the sea is whatbountiful Nature has given it, and a small fort on an island with twoguns, one dismounted, much more like a pig stye than a fort. In shortthere seem'd to me to be nothing to prevent the Turkish Admiral fromlanding men and destroying every soul in the place, but their style ofwarfare is very harmless (except now and then, when they catch somepoor devil alone, then they murder him). The Greeks talked much of afine ship, and Ld. Byron recommended Mavrocordato to take boat with himin the evening and "smoke a cigar against the Turkish fleet" whichhowever he declined. I was obliged soon to return to Zante for water,intending to go up to Lepanto and be present at the storming of thatplace by the Greeks. Ld. Byron and myself had agreed, he was to leadthe attack and indeed had undertaken the Enterprise entirely, and as hejocosely observed to me a very fit man he was as he could not run if hewished, alluding to his club foot; but it was otherwise ordained, forto my great grief news one evening was suddenly brought me as I wasdining at the Mess of the 90th Regt. of the loss of H.M. sloopColumbine at Sapienza, my friend Abbot's ship. I lost no time inbeing at sea and was with him on Saturday the 31st of Jany. having putto sea from Zante with a gale from the N.W. and had much ado to keepclear of the Coast of the Morea. On my arrival in Porto Longue, I foundmy friend and his crew all well having only lost two people; the brig'stops just above water; she was lost by parting her S.B. cable, and hadnot room to bring up; she soon bilged on the rocks, and the people hadmuch ado to save themselves; little or no property was saved, they hadtents on shore and miserable enough, as the rain was almost constant.The Pasha of Modon é Aron supplied them with provisions and was mostattentive to them. Abbot and myself pay'd our respects to the old boy,he regaled us with Pipes and Coffee: and acknowledgement was made himfor his attentions to the shipwreck'd crew by a salute of twenty gunsfrom H.M. sloop, four of my cut glass tumblers as sherbet glasses, and1 lb. of Mr. Fribourg's and Palets' best snuff. I think you will laughat our presents to him, but I assure you it was thought much of, andhighly valued. I think the Turks, tho' they speak seldom, yet when theydo are more profuse in their compliments and fine speeches andquestions than any people I have ever seen.

'I am obliged to close my discourse as I am ordered to take anotherconvoy, and a ship is this moment weighing for England.

'So with affte. Love to Lady C.: and all haste,

'Believe me most sincerely,

'Your affte. Son,

'C. YORKE.'

* * * * *

H.M.S. 'ALACRITY,' MALTA:

May 24, 1824.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'I am once more in this part after divers peregrinations and eventswhich in due time I shall narrate. But first of all I am in despair athearing from no single soul in the land of Roast Beef. One solitaryletter from yourself is all I have received since I sailed fromEngland. You last heard from me from Gibraltar where I was waiting totake Convoy to Cape St. Vincent having brought four sail to that place.Made short work of the Cape St. Vincent trip having a gale of windthrough the Gut of Gib. And not able to show a stitch of canvas, sonext day I was able to haul my wind again having made the Cape. Theletter which I hope you received was sent by one of the ships. On myreturn to Gib. I again three days afterwards took convoy to Malta whereI did not remain more than six hours being called on to perform aservice of some delicacy; different are the opinions of the way inwhich I acquitted myself but I feel conscious of having strictly donemy duty, and if I have done wrong, all that I have to say is that thelaws of nations were not the groundwork or capital of my education, butit has made me take books up a little in that way. The fact was avessel under English colours received on board at Rhodes 250 Algeriansto take passage to their native city (among whom was the brother-in-lawof the Dey) with all their money and effects; on this passage they hearof the war between their country and our own, the master of the vesselwishes to bear up for Malta but the Turks will not allow it, and he isobliged to use the stratagem of cutting his main topmast rigging and solet the mast go overboard for his excuse. He cannot reach Malta, but hegets into Messina, the Consul for our Government there was applied toin this matter by the Sicilian Authorities, & as by the salutary lawsof that country no barbarians can perform quarantine in any of theirports, it became their desire to get her away. The master of theCrown refuses to go, stating that his life was in absolute dangerfrom the people. I arrived in Malta from Gib with Convoy and in sixhours after I sailed for Messina with orders and that caused hisuntimely end.

'Give my kindest love to Lady Clanricarde and if she wants Turkeycarpets, shawls, &c. &c. now is the time. Affectionate love to all. Iwish Hy. was with me, I think if he would read as he travelled he wouldmake good use of his time.

'Your affectionate son,

'C.Y.'

* * * * *

H.M.S. 'TRIBUNE,'

In the Channel off Corfu, on the coast of Epirus:

July 16, 1824.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'I am here with G—- under sail and about to eat the gouty old
Commodore's dinner, Alacrity in company. We start together for Zante,
Cephalonia, Cerigo, &c. though I leave him to take command in the
Archipelago.

'He is, as you well know, all that a kind and affectionate friend canbe. I wrote you a few days ago a very short letter and one that I knowyou will abuse much when you receive it, but I promise a long one whenI am in for the Station and business that will naturally occurtherefrom. I have already one affair in hand with a Greek corvette forplunder which will be acted on by me in a burning manner, for thesefellows require it.

'All the Algerian business is settled and the Admiral has expressedhimself well pleased with my conduct. Hamilton of the Cambriapromised me to see you and acquaint you with all particulars of theaffair.

'Love to all.

'Your affectionate son,

'C. Y.'

* * * * *

H.M. SLOOP 'ALACRITY,' SMYRNA:

Sept. 17, 1824.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'I received your kind letter of the 1st of May a few days ago atSpezzia on the Gulf of Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) by H.M.S. Martinwhich arrived from Malta. Capt. Eden commands our little squad (forsquadron I will not call it as there are only 46 guns among three ofus) and being my senior officer has of course taken possession of theGreen Bag, & my command in these seas has expired after having held itnine weeks. 'I believe before I go further it will be wise of me toexplain to you what this "Green Bag," as I call it, is, and when youhear I rather think you will be a little amused.

'From the present state of Greece and the islands in the Archipelagosome Greek, some Turk, some both, and some neither, much piracy andmurder goes on against all the flags of Europe; and of course we fallin for our share, and hardly a week passes but some appeal to humanityor justice is brought to the Senior Officer, or any cruizing ship inthe Archipelago, indeed of late owing to the small force up thiscountry these papers have so accumulated that a large bag becamenecessary to hold them, and when I gave up my command to Eden of theMartin, up the side after me came the "awful Green Bag." The SeniorOfficer here is in himself an Admiralty Court for all the Archipelago,and a most difficult and delicate service it is, for "truth is neverto be got at" and the Ionian who is always the person aggrieved is asbad as the Greek. I foresee myself getting into a discussion, but Imust say a little of my opinions to you, faulty as they most likelyare, yet such has been the impression made on my mind by what I haveseen and heard; but I shall not break out here as I wish to give you anoutline of what I have been about since I left Malta.

'I had a passage of five weeks to Smyrna touching at Corfu and Milo anddelivering at the former 120,000 Dollars for the Government, found ourfriend Guion there as much the ladies man as ever. I gave you a linefrom Tribune myself, I parted from her two days afterwards. Afterremaining a few days at Smyrna I sailed on a cruizer leaving the Rosethere for the protection of the Trade. But before I weigh and make sailI shall say something of John Turk, who has always stood rather wellwith me until you take him into the field, and there he is bloody,cruel, ferocious and desperate but not brave. In the drawing room heis polish'd, well bred, and from the pomp and magnificence of style inwhich he lives he cannot fail at first to impose on the stranger a goodopinion of at least his gentlemanly manners, and courtlike behaviour.On my arrival at Smyrna I did not fail as soon as I was able to gain aninterview with Hussan Pacha, the Governor. This man gain'd hisGovernment by some merit of his own; marching thro' Smyrna on his wayto take possession of his Pachalick with his troops, he was called onby the Authorities and Consuls of foreign powers to exercise hismilitary authority in restoring order to the town which was at thistime (1821) in a state of anarchy, massacre and cruelty, against theGreeks; he undertook the task and succeeded in restoring order andstopping the slaughter in twenty-four hours, after which service, inconsequence of a representation from the Consuls, the Porte confirm'dhim to the Government.

'My party on the visit consisted of Capt. Dundas, Mr. Whitehead (theAdmiral's son who has been with me from Malta) Lt. Trescott and Mr.Forester Wyson, with the Dragoman; we were received with all duerespect and pomp and after many compliments, pipes, coffee, sherbet,&c. &c. we took our leave. The conversation that took place is notworth relating, as it was of that nature which such a visit might besupposed to produce.

'I afterwards went a round of visits to the Turkish nobles andprincipal officers of the Town, Delibash Beys, Beys, Agas, &c. &c.Smyrna is a large town, and like all other Turkish towns has narrowstreets, low dirty houses, and long Bazaars; the people from theircostume and arms forming the most amusing and picturesque objects ofthe whole. Here and there you saw strong symptoms of firing in thedominions of the Porte, doors full of shot-holes, and now and then arandom ball whizzing over your head. Above the town on an eminence is avery picturesque old castle built by the Genoese, now in ruins andnothing more than a very beautiful object, and one of the finestroadsteads in the Mediterranean. The country at the back of Smyrna isrich and beautifully wooded.

'I rode out one evening with Capt. Dundas to the Consul's, the roadsinfamous and my horse stumbling exceedingly I did not quite enjoy thebeauties of Asia, and the romance of the ride thro' the burying-placeof the Turk, studded with the Turban [Footnote: The Turks at the top ofthe tombstone have the turban of their rank] or stone and Cypress, asmuch as I ought.

'On the 4th of July, I sailed from Voorla, a watering place on thesouth side of the Gulf of Smyrna, for Psara and arrived there on the5th. The Turks having attacked the place on the 3rd, which they carriedin about twelve hours, excepting a strong work on the west end of theIsland which did not fall till the following day. I thought at firstthat this had been a decided and bloody blow struck at the root of theGreek revolution, but the Turk has gone to sleep since, or nearly. Ihave myself little doubt that the French had much to do with thecapture of this island, for I learnt from many that a Frigate had beenat Psara on the 22nd of June, and for four successive days had soundedround and round the Island and then sailed for Mytilene where the Capt.Pacha was. Moreover when I was on board the Pacha's ship he show'd me aChart or plan of the Island, which the moment I saw it, I exclaimed"This is done by a Frank," and he said, yes that it had been done forhim. The attack was made on the north side, the only place in thisIsland that Turkish troops could land on with safety, and even here thepass was so narrow up the mountain that only one man could pass at atime. To shew the difficulty of gaining ground, and how easily thisplace might have been defended, one Greek who was near the spot asleepon hearing a noise jumped up, and with his single arm killed sevenTurks, one after the other as they came up; and then fled.

'As soon as I anchored on the roadstead, I sent to say I wished to paymy respects to the Captain Pacha, who returned a very civil answer, andI went en grande tenue, to see this mighty conqueror and RoyalPrince. Our interview was truly amusing. I began with saying thathaving anchored in the road, and finding his fleet there (whichconsisted of one 80 gun ship, seven frigates and about eightyCorvettes, Brigs and Transports) I had come to pay my respects to himand to congratulate him on his successes over his enemies; he whimperedand simpered, like an old woman, thank'd me, but pretended to beexcessively sorry for the loss of life on the part of the Psariotes,he having taken very good care that not a man on the Island shouldhave his head left on his shoulders; but the women would not give him achance, they did that which would do honor to the Antient Hist: ofGreece! throwing their children from the precipices into the sea, andthen following themselves. The Pacha told me he had not taken a singlewoman, and only a few children, that some of the boats pick'd upfloating. We conversed on different topics, but more particularly onthe politics of Turkey and Greece. I ask'd him if he meant to strikethe iron while it was hot, and get on to Hydra, and strike a blowthere, telling him at the same time that I was going to the NavalIslands on business and should tell all I had seen. He replied, "No, Ilove the Hydriotes." The crafty old dog loves them like a cannibal"well enough to eat them." After having sat above an hour (for I wasdetermined to see all I could) he was called out by the Admiral whowhispered in his ear; out he went, I was curious, and walked to thefront part of the cabin opening a little of the Door; I saw him on thedeck surrounded with Turkish soldiers who were each producing theirday's work, in the process of extermination. Each head got thepossessor a few Liqueurs. After he came into the cabin again, I tax'dhim with what he had been at. He smiled and ask'd me should I like tosee it. I told him I had read of these things among Eastern nations,but was not quite sure before that it was true, upon which he notknowing that I had seen a great deal, ordered the head of a GreekPriest just taken off, and still reeking with gore, to be brought in tome, which was accordingly done. After this I took my leave of the OldTurk, who pressed my hand cordially; I ask'd his permission to go onshore, but he would not give it, saying that it was a horrid sight andthat most likely I should be shot myself. The Turks here killed about8000 Greeks and lost themselves by their own account about 3000, butthe fact is they cannot tell, for they never know the number of peoplethey have on board.

'Ismail Pacha had one of his Captains wounded, and he ask'd me to allowmy surgeon to visit him, which I did. This Ismail Pacha is an Albanianand served under the old lion Ali for a long while and was by himraised to a Pachalick which was confirm'd to him by the Porte after thedeath of Ali; he commanded the 12,000 men that landed at Psara. Anotherdesperate act of heroism took place in the strong fort situated on aneminence at the West End of the Island, it held out till the last andwas not destroy'd until everything was lost. The Turks had made aforlorn hope to storm it, the Greeks allowed them easy access, thenfired the magazine. Thus perish'd 1000 Greek men, women and childrenand 400 Turks. I sailed in the evening after saluting the Pacha withtwenty guns, and saw them fire the Town, the Plunder being finish'd.

'From Psara to Hydra where I had a grievance to try to redress, butfrom its being a year old, I had much fear that with my small force Ishould not be able to effect that which a larger ship would haveimmediately succeeded in, with nothing more than threats. I intended totry those first and ultimately to do more and take my chance of whatthe Govt. might think.

'But the Martin's arrival has taken the "Green Bag" away from me. Iwill now relate that on my arrival off Hydra, I found Miaoulis theGreek Admiral on his way to assist Psara. I hailed his vessel andinvited him on board, he came and I made him acquainted with thecapture and massacre at the place, (since I left Psara I found thatabout twenty-five sail of vessels had escaped, with some women andchildren). He seem'd much distressed, but said he would push on and seewhat was to be done. I afterwards heard that he kept aloof until theCaptain Pacha quitted, he then attack'd the gun boats in which about2000 [Footnote: The garrison left at Psara] Turks were attempting toescape and destroyed nearly the whole of them. Now the Island isdesolate and neutral having neither Greek nor Turk on it; but I hearthat the Captain Pacha is going to adopt the miserable and contemptiblepolicy of destroying its harbour, and then taking no more regard of theIsland. I must say the want of unanimity in the Greek against thecommon enemy is here too perceptible. The Hydriotes well knew thatPsara was soon to be attack'd and it was in their power to have savedit, but its having been in former days a rival island in commerce, andwas now a rival island in achievements in war, they delay'd sendingtheir ships until it was too late. There were also traitors among theirown people, no doubt of it!

'My business at Hydra was a case of piracy, against a British merchantof Alexandria, and all the property was stolen and the vessel burnt,&c. &c. I called off the island and as they wish'd to refer back tothe affair before they would give an answer, I passed on to Napoli diRomania (Nauplia) where the Greeks have set up an attempt at agovernment, for a government I cannot call it that has neither laws orcourts, not even a national assembly is yet instituted; but anarchyseems to reign among them, and until something like a strict unionamong the chiefs of this people takes place I fear their cause is notlikely to be progressive, or their means effective.

'The people who are now at the head of what they style the ProvisionalGovernment of Greece are men who under the Turks were merchants, ormasters of merchant ships. The Chief or Primate of this Government(Condenotti by name) is an Hydriote (his Brother is now Primate ofHydra) who during his life has amassed a fortune of Five million ofdollars, having had for twenty-three years the Trade, I may say, of thewhole of the northern part of the Archipelago; himself a ship owner,having no less than eighteen or twenty fine Brigs and ships from 180 to300 tons burthen. This man has never given a Para to the cause of hiscountry; what can you expect with such a beginning? The Govt. have intheir pay about 10,000 men, ragamuffins of all sorts. This is that partof the population of Greece that our Committee in London send money to.

'Are the Greek Committee such fools as to suppose that they arehonourably dealt with, and that this money is all put to the uses theywould wish to see it put to, or that the money sent from England willever do any good to the Greek cause, unless they appoint properCommissioners to receive it, and to dole it out, in such a way as to beof service to those who merit it? Is the Provisional Govt. of Greecesuch a Committee? Or are they who have been tricking and trafficking tomake money all their lives fit people to be entrusted with such aCommission? There is not one Patriot among them! And they areaccountable to no one by law, for there are no laws in the land.

'Money has arrived lately from the Greek Committee and it was put intothe hands of the Provisional Govt. What they have done with the wholeof it I do not know; some they have given to Odysseus. When he heardthat money was coming from England to Napoli he left his stronghold inParnassus and came down with the small retinue of 300 men to demand ofthe Govt. some remuneration for his services, he had expelled the Turksfrom Livadia, and he now required that they would pay 5000 men for him.This Odysseus is the only man whom I should call a Patriot among them.So different in style is the free Mountain Chief from the Lowland longenslaved Greek, that you would hardly believe them to belong to thesame nation. Odysseus ever called and thought himself free, and hisfamily before him never own'd the dominion of the Turk, living ininaccessible holds no Turkish turbaned head was ever near them. Thisman tho' wild and untaught is patriotic, brave, devoid of superstition,and last and most rare among the Greeks, has an utter contempt formoney. He has talents for war or peace, and the most moderate in hisprinciples of any of them. If there is a man in Greece who is to bedepended on he is the man. He maintains that one of the greateststeps towards the well-being of Greece is the putting down theascendancy of the Priests, with that you will put down intolerantavarice and much crime. At first the Govt. would not give much ear tohis demands, but he goes to them in person, stripped of his arms,telling them he is no longer a soldier, that he would turn barber forhe could shave; he said he would get an honest livelihood as a poor manbut not pilfer &c. as some of his friends did who had neitherpatriotism or virtue, and who thought of nothing but aggrandizing andenriching themselves. Such was his opinion of this Govt., and heassured me himself that not one of their heads should be on theirshoulders in ten days if they did not distribute this money in such away as to ensure something like a successful campaign against theTurks. They have however given what I suppose they could not keep fromhim and what he had before; the command in Livadia, and pay 5000men for him.

'I had some very amusing excursions with this Chief and we became greatfriends, he is in person one of the handsomest and finest men I eversaw, and had Maria seen him manage his horse she would never haveforgotten it. I could give very interesting accounts of our picnics andrides, when his Albanians roasted the sheep whole stuffed with almondsand raisins, &c. &c. but it will take more time than I can spare, and Ifear by this time you will be nearly tired, but you must bear with meup to the date I write from before I give up. The other Chiefs of Note,Mavrocordato and Colcotronis, are men of perfectly different charactersbut both by their different means attempting to aggrandize themselves.The former's weapons are his talents and his tongue, the latter's hiscourage and his sword. Colcotronis rebelled and try'd to overthrow theprovisional Government, he blockaded Napoli and was for some weeksfighting with the Govt. Corps in the Plains of Argos, but Odysseusappearing on the mountain, neither knowing which side he would take,they suspended their arms and a reconciliation was brought about. Ithink of late there has been a little more apparent conduct in theChiefs than before. I see in our papers great puffs about the fightingin Greece. The warfare, in fact, is desultory and next to ridiculousexcepting in the passes of the Mountains, and when Turkish cavalry arecaught there the Greeks always kill them all. As yet the campaign israther against the Greek by the loss of Psara, their chief NavalIsland, which from its situation much annoy'd the Turk.

'But to the Greek Committee! Great as the respect is which I feel for aset of men who have wished to give assistance to that cause so dear toevery Englishman, yet I regret much the material and money that hasbeen wasted and frittered away to no purpose. Had the Greek Committeefully understood the business they were about to take in hand theywould not have sent out the quantities of valuable yet useless storeswhich are now I believe in the possession of the people of Missolonghi.If instead of sending out surveying instruments, sextants, telescopesand numberless instruments used by our artillery and engineers, theyhad caused to be manufactured musquets, yataghans and pistols in thefashion of the country together with powder and ball, and had takencare that a proper commission was there ready to receive it and takecare that they were properly distributed, I would have given them somecredit; but as yet I think what they have sent has created bad bloodamong the people and rivalry among the Chiefs who should possess thewhole. When Odysseus heard that supplies of stores had arrived fromEngland at Missolonghi he sent 300 men and a captain to get some, hedemanded a share and it was refused; he then forcibly took away fourfield guns and forty barrels of powder on mules and carried them safeto Parnassus. The man who did this was Mr. Trelawney from whom I hadthe circ*mstance. Of the money the Committee have just sent out, alittle comes back to us, for the Greeks always allege they cannot payfor the piracies committed on our Flag until the money arrives fromEngland! This is too great a farce! I have actually been once to Napolifor money, which has been owing for this year pass'd and which theynever would pay until they were able to pay it in English sovereigns.

'Greece has the name of fighting but with the present sort of warfarethat goes on, unless some interference is made or the one party or theother gets weary, it may continue without progression towards the grandend, peace, until doomsday.

'After leaving Napoli I went to Hydra where I had some piraticalbusiness to settle. On pulling into the port in my boat I saw a vesselthere under British colors that informed me they had that morning beencaptured by an Hydriote corsair, I desired that she should be instantlygiven up to me which they refused doing; I that evening cut her outwith the Alacrity's Boats; I put half my crew and all my marines intothe three boats going myself in my gig, making Trescott in the brigstand slap into the port with her guns loaded with round shot andgrape. The shores of the harbour (which is not more than two cableslengthward) lined with about 12,000 men, her guns would have madedreadful havoc. In three minutes from the time we got on board, theGreeks had jumped overboard and her cables were cut, and out she camewithout the loss of a single man. They have protested against me to theGovt. at Napoli but it's all right, and I did what was perfectlyproper in all points. These rascals must not be allowed to captureBritish vessels on any pretence whatever; if they are allowed to do so,even on pretences of assisting their enemies, no vessel but a man ofwar will be able to sail in these seas.

'From Hydra hearing that Samos was about to be attacked by the Turks Isailed thither, and on the first day of their attack (in which theywere repulsed) I took off 106 women and children with their property,being British subjects, and carried them to Smyrna. From there on myway to Napoli I fell in with the Martin and returned to Smyrna, whereI found Euryalus. He went to sea and has left me Gardo here. Findingthat for a time my sea trips were suspended I set off for Magnesia andmuch delighted I have been with my trip, suffice it to say that nothingcan be kinder than the great Turks are to me, and in a few days Ireturn to Magnesia to hunt with Ali Bey the Governor of that Town. ButI must reserve a description of these trips until another letter, as Iam sure you will be heartily tired by the time you have got through mygriffonage.

'I have enjoy'd all this summer most excellent health, and the climatehas completely left off its baneful influence upon me, thank God.

'Tell Lady C. I have collected for her a quantity of antient Greek,Roman and Egyptian pottery, the greater part of which is mostexceedingly valuable, and some that I dug myself at Samos.

'I have also collected a quantity of very fine Coins (Greek) which ifI get a safe conveyance, I shall send Uncle Charles. Tell him so! Thisletter I know he will see, so if he will, take it as written as much tohimself as you and indeed all the family, To whom individually &collectively give my afftn. love.

'Don't show my letters to any but the family Pray!

'You will be amused to hear I wear the Turkish dress on theseexcursions.

'Your most afftn. Son

'C. YORKE.

'PS.—Affectionate Love to U. K. and Agneta an affectionate Embrace to
H. Y., E. Y. and G. Y.'

* * * * *

ALEXANDRIA:

Dec. 27, 1825.

'MY DEAREST FATHER,

'Although I cannot write as long a letter as I intended and wish, forlack of time, yet, as there are several vessels in this harbour on thepoint of sailing for England, I must, after so long an interval, putpen to paper in your behalf.

'By the finish of my last letter to you which I trust was prolix enoughI was at Smyrna, and had informed you of my visiting in this countryits nobles and princes: and I think mentioned something of a visit Ipaid to Ali Bey, the Governor of Idun a country to the Nd. of Smyrna,whose capital is Magnesia, where the residence of the Governor is. Itwice visited this Prince, and, so much was he pleased the first time,that he invited me to come a second when there was to be a hunt ofbirds and beasts. On the 13th of September, Forrester the Surgeon,Weatley my 2nd Lieutenant, and myself with a young Armenian as aninterpreter and a Janissary for a "Garde du corps," started "au pointdu jour" from Smyrna, and arrived in the afternoon at Magnesia, one ofthe prettiest Turkish towns I have seen. Our journey slow, over badroads, did not afford any circ*mstances much worth relating. We foundour new acquaintances Turk and Christian, both in their way agreeable;the Armenian, young, sensible, and an extraordinary linguist, speakingnine languages though not twenty years of age. The Old Turk, funny, fatand good-natured. The latter part of our journey lay thro' a pass inthe mountains from the summit of which the Valley of Magnesia suddenlyburst on our view, with the town on the eastern side at the foot of aperpendicular rocky mountain very like the rock of Gibraltar, but ifanything higher, more craggy, and bold: the valley that lay before us,bounded on the W. by a ridge of regular round topped hills, and to theNd. the eye could not reach the extent of this immense plain, which iscovered with vines, and fig trees, corn, and tobacco, the best inNatolia. On my arrival, I sent my Janissary from the Kane I put up atto say I was arrived, when an officer from the Bey came, and marched usthro' the street till we stopped at one of the best looking houses Ihad seen; we were ushered in, and I was then informed we were to livehere and that if I did not like it and was not comfortable that Ishould have another. But I soon found out we could not be better off;the Bey having sent us to the house of the Primate of the Greeks, whowas obliged to receive us whether he liked it or not, it beingsufficient that a Turk orders it. But in truth, I believe the oldPatriarch was very proud of the honor for no hospitality could outdohis: the fatted calf was killed and we feasted sumptuously. Fingerswere now called into requisition as knives and forks are no part of thenecessaries of these Oriental nations. Such tearing of fowls andtucking up of sleeves! After dinner the water, and then the Alpha andOmega of all oriental visitings, mornings, noons, and nights, "Coffeeand Pipes." During the evening some pretty girls, the daughters of theOld Man, danced before us, those dances which the women of the countryare so famous for: tho' none of the most decent yet very curious, someyoung men playing the guitar and singing, for the song alwaysaccompanies the dance. My Janissary was so delighted, that, he swore ifhe had only had two glasses of wine he would fire his pistols right andleft. I felt rather satisfied he had not had the wine he spoke of. Wewere all fa*gged enough to find our beds on the floor capital; and thenext day we visited the Bey.

'January 16, 1825.—I am now at sea and had intended this letter fromAlexandria, and, as I said before, it was to be short; but now I shallsend it from Malta, and it is to be long.

'But to resume my story. When we arrived at the palace he was dining inthe Kiosk with some of his friends, and we had to wait a little whileuntil the repast was ended when we were ushered in. He received us veryhaughtily, and in a manner not at all consistent with the kind messageshe had sent us. Pipes and Coffee were served, and the conversation wasrather slack. At his feet sat one of the most extraordinary figures Iever saw in my life; a countenance more devilish was never given toDervish before. After we had been seated some time, this man, who hadnever opened his lips but had eyed us with the greatest attention andferocity, at length began to mutter, "Kenkalis, Kenkalis, taib ben"("English, English, I hope you are well"). This was one of thoseprivileged people which in these countries are called Dervishes, whoare dreaded and respected by the superstitious, and who affordamusem*nt by their extraordinary antics to others. They have theentrée of all houses great or small, rich or poor, and are neverrefused food or raiment: it being in itself a crime, to insult oroffend all who are in any way extraordinary: the more mad, the moresacred the person. Madness in Turkey is an excellent trade.

'At length I soon discovered how it was that my new friend the Bey wasthus: his friends (Turks) rose to depart, so did I but he desired me tosit down again. The moment the Turks had departed he was a new man. Ihave never been so pleased with any Turk in my life as with Ali Bey.His affability and kindness were European, which, when blended with thehandsomest form and face the costume of a Turk and pomp of a prince,made a most agreeable acquisition to my Eastern acquaintance.

'He now began to make his attendants play all sorts of tricks with theDervish to draw him out; who seemed to be a perfect prince in the artof buffoonery. We were amazingly amused. He now told me he had a grandchasse in twenty-five days' time, and desired that I would come tohim on that day, bring my gun, and stay with him a week; nothing couldhave pleased me more than this offer. And as I lay Gardo in Smyrna,twenty-five days afterwards I again found myself in Magnesia, housedwith the old Greek Patriarch a second time. He now sent us down to thevillage of Graviousken (?) (Infidel Village) where we were well lodged:his cook and household chief accompanied us, and the following day hecame himself. Our hunt, tho' not much sport to English taste, yet wasmost amusing. The magnificence of the horses and riders; their equipageand management of the animal; riding at speed, as tho' they were on thepoint of being dashed to pieces, against a wall or down a precipice, atonce coming to a dead stop. Riding at each other, delivering thejareed, firing their pistols and wheeling short round in an instant,and at speed in the opposite direction. We had greyhounds and killed afew hares. The following days were unfortunately wet; we returned toMagnesia.

'The first visit I paid the Bey this time, I honored him with my fulldress for reasons very good, he was not quite sure who I was. It wasalso necessary that his people should have outward shew, to satisfythem: this I was nearly paying dear for. There is a horrid custom inthis country, of paying a certain sum to the attendants of these greatpeople every visit you make. A few piastres had heretofore satisfied,but on leaving, after this Golden Visit, they seized my interpreter themoment he took his purse out, tore it away from him took all he hadsaying, "they should never see such a man again" and returned him theempty purse. He fortunately had been prepared for such an attack andhad a proper sum and no more in his purse, but had it not been for thissagacity, I might have lost all the money I had with me. Our dinner atGraviousken was capital, he had wine for us; fingers were again inrequisition, and we were obliged to eat of twenty-six dishes, eachbrought separately on the table, one after the other, which you had nosooner begun to think good, than it was immediately snatched away anddisappeared. After having given to my old Greek some presents of silksfor his wife, and caps for his daughters, we returned to Smyrna, whereI found H.M.S. Cyrene, Captn. Grace, and soon after arrived Cliffordin the Euryalus, who most kindly gave me an opportunity of seeing agreat deal of other countries by an order to visit the coast of Syria,&c. &c.

'Oct. 24, 1825.—We passed thro' the Straits of Scio, and on the 25thanchored at Scala Nova. I shall not trouble you with nautical details,as all my remarks, bearings, soundings, &c., which I have carefullytaken in this voyage I keep in a distinct remark-book. It is a smalltown, governed by an Aga, situated on an elevated promontory, with asmall island and fort off the point, bad shelter for a winteranchorage. Scala Nova had much interest to me, as I was completely ableto appreciate the conduct of the Captain Pacha with regard to hispitiful attempt on the island of Samos, which is distant about twentymiles. This Pacha had 100,000 men at Scala Nova, with a sufficientnumber of boats and transports to convey them, and about eighty sail ofmen of war to protect them. Yet he made the attempt to land 3000 men,which I myself was a witness, and they nearly all perished by themusketry of the Greeks. No further attempt was made on the island, thefleet remains to the Northward of Samos, under sail for fourteen days,(fine weather) the Greeks thirty-five sail of small vessels andfireships in the little Bogaz, which separates the island from themain. At length the fleet sail for Mytilene. The troops at Scala Novaknow not what to think, no provisions, no water, 25,000 die of famine,the rest in a most pitiable condition, receive orders to return totheir homes, massacre, pillage, and plunder the whole way back.Nevertheless, the Turks contrived to lose two small frigates by thefireships of the Greeks. The conduct of the Pacha, and his disgracefulmode of entering Constantinople with about fifty sail of small GreekBoats for the occasion, with a Greek hanging at each mast head, youmight have seen from the public prints. My business with the Governorof Scala Nova being settled (having obliged him to release an IonianVessel one of his cruizers had captured), Ephesus three hours distantbecame the next object. Little is now left of this once celebratedcity, and the site of Diana's huge temple I think is not to be found.One splendid relic still remains. A part of a fluted Corinthian column,of Parian marble, about 111 feet long, broken; the remainder is gone;but from the diameter, the block forming that part could not have beenless than fifty feet; a part also of a huge cornice which wasimmediately over this column remains, of marble also, weighing about 15tons. The carved work on the capital and cornice is as fresh as the daythe artist finished it, tho' most likely above 2000 yrs. old. Ephesusis thought by many to have been latterly destroyed by an earthquake,and this small relic certainly tends to prove the assertion. Onexamining this column carefully, I found that the fluting, about halfway down, was finished and polished, and a part in the rough. Theancients always finished and polished, after the column was erect.Certainly, some sudden accident must have occurred to have preventedthe artist from completing so fine a piece of work, and the manner inwhich it is broken leads me to suppose an earthquake, without doubt, tohave been the cause of the abrupt departure of the chisel from itsoccupation.

'Leaving Scala Nova, we sailed thro' the little Bogaz, by Patmos whenwe fell in with some Greek cruizers, on the look out for the Egyptianfleet under Ibrahim Pacha, whom we found at Bodrum (?) where we nextanchored. Nothing whatever of antient Halicarnassus, or the wonder ofthe world, here remains! Not a trace, not a vestige! One tower moremodern, the base of which appears Roman with a Turkish superstructure,and one block of granite on which is an inscription stating that Caesarmounted his horse from this stone: I would have carried this relicaway, but Mr. Arbro, Premier Interprète et Lieutenant à son AltesseIbrahim Pacha, informed me that he had laid hands on it. Here I nosooner anchored than a number of Maltese captains of merchant vessels,in the employ of the Viceroy of Egypt, came on board to beg myinterference with the Pacha as to some grievance they had suffered. Iwas quite determined I would have nothing to do with these blackguardsin the Turkish service; but, on going on shore I could not help feelingimmensely enraged at seeing upwards of twenty large Red Ensigns(English), flying on his fleet of Transports, loaded with Turkishsoldiers going to carry them to the Morea! I presume the Britishsubject is free to trade as he pleases but, at the same time, that hemust take the consequence of his speculations. Whether this largenational flag was to be displayed at sea, in a rencontre with the Greekfleet, became a question with me? Whether our ensign was to be borne byvessels actually engaging Greek ships, was also a question I askedmyself. And the reply instantly was, "No, it cannot be neutrality." Idetermined to take the ensigns from them which was done, and having cutthe Unions out I gave them back, which I have since been sorry for. Inshort, I should have taken all the vessels as they were all sailingunder false papers, or have taken the flags away altogether and haveconsidered them as they really were, Turkish transports. But I felt ita very delicate affair as Ibrahim Pacha, when I waited on him,declared, that I should be the means of his losing his expedition, andthat he trembled for the consequences. He had previously sent hisSecretary on board me, to try and talk me over to give back the flags.But it would not do, I saw thro' the whole thing. The fact was, thesemercenaries employed in the Egyptian service had refused to proceed anyfurther, their contract having expired. He having exhausted five monthsin reaching Bodrum (?) from Alexandria wished to throw the whole of therevolt of the Maltese on me, as having taken their colors; theydeclaring that they could not go to sea in safety under any other flag.He wished to be able to use this pretext to his father, the Viceroy.After about four hours' conversation we parted as we begun, I would notreturn the colors. We parted however the following day better friends,the revolted vessels were moored in a line before the loyal ones sothat those who were willing could not go to sea. He sent for me, andbegged me to speak to the Maltese which I did, and desired them to movetheir ships to let the other Transports pass out. What he said to theViceroy of Egypt I know not, but be that as it may the old man was verycivil afterwards to me in Egypt. I daresay you will think me a greatfool for having troubled my head in this affair at all; but really,whether I am right or wrong, I could not bear to see the flag under theTurk, and the vessels bearing it conveying troops to the conquest ofthe Morea. Much as I dislike the Greek character, yet I love the cause.

'I was not sorry to get clear of Ibrahim and his expedition, as Iinevitably saw difficulties would increase and that from the situationof the British subjects violence might be resorted to by the Turk, andthat my presence only added fuel to the fire. For while I was there theMaltese grew more and more impudent. However, all since has ended well.The Maltese have been honorably paid off by the Viceroy of Egypt.

'Passing between Stanco(?) and the main on the 2nd of Novr. we anchoredin the Harbour of Marmorico (?), certainly the finest in theMediterranean. Here we remained in consequence of bad weather, but wemanaged to wood and water. After leaving this port I visited Rhodes, sofamous an island requires me to give some description. Keeping the Brigboxing about between the island and the main, I made my visits leavingher early in the morning, she standing in the evening to pick me up.The Port here I by no means considered safe for the Alacrity. Smallmerchant vessels do go into the Port, and often pay for their temerityby being totally wrecked. Here you see the remains of what the islandwas, with some of the Knights, but nothing more ancient except theremains of a temple to Apollo. The works and fortifications are verylike Malta on a diminished scale, and the great Street of the Knightswith their arms and devices over each door. To see a turban'd headsticking out of the window is a provoking proof of the triumph of theMussulman over these deserted Christian Knights.

'January 28th, 1826.—I am just anchored in the Quarantine Harbour atMalta; I find the packet for England on the point of sailing so Icannot finish my letter, but I think it already too long. In my next Ishall take up my proceedings from Rhodes, going into Cyprus,Scandaroon, Beirut, Tyre, Sidon, St. Jean D'Arc, Deir-il-Kamr in theMountains of Lebanon, Lady Hester Stanhope with whom I stayed one week,Alexandria, Cairo, &c. and back to Malta after a cruize of eight Months.

'I must now finish with a little Turkish politics. The wholearrangement of the Greek War is put into the hands of the Viceroy ofEgypt. The Captain Pacha does not go afloat this year but is I fancy ingreat disgrace. The Constantinople and Egyptian fleets are to becombined under Ibrahim Pacha, who is now at Marmorico, waiting forreinforcements to go to the Morea. I fancy the divided Councils of theGreeks now gives a fine opportunity of success. Colcotronis hassecretly sided with Mehemet Ali, and it is supposed that Albania isbought with Turkish gold. The Greeks are quite capable of this. Theonly way in which the Turk will do anything in the Morea is bycorrupting the Greeks: if it is to be a contest, I prophesy theEgyptian army will never return. The conduct of the French to theTurks has been most decided. The King of France wrote to the Viceroy ofEgypt, complimenting him on his genius, and wishing him all possiblesuccess. The bearer of this letter was General Boyer who has come outto discipline the Turkish army, has assumed the Turkish dress, beinginstalled in his command with the title and allowance of a Bey and asalary of 10,000 Dollars per annum. He brought out also two mostbeautifully manufactured carpets, and 500 stand of arms andaccoutrements complete, as a present from the King to the Viceroy. TheTurks of the country do not know what to make of this gracious likeconduct, but they say he has formed an alliance with France either tostop, at any time they wish, our overland intercourse with India, or tostrengthen himself so that he may be better able to shake off theTurkish yoke of Istamboul. His views are certainly most ambitious; butas yet have not sufficiently developed themselves for anyone, I think,decidedly to form an opinion.

'Dr. Father, Adieu!'

* * * * *

The letter from Vourla which follows is that promised to his father inthe preceding letter from Alexandria, and is strictly of an earlierdate as it takes up the story of his experiences in the later months of1824. The narrative requires no comment, as it speaks for itself, andthe description of Captain Yorke's visit to Lady Hester Stanhope atDjoun will be read with interest. He attained the rank of Captain onJune 6, 1825.

* * * * *

'… After a tedious passage from Larnica we anchored at Beirut, oncethe capital of the Druses but conquered in the time of Daher Prince ofAcre by the Turks. The place is supposed to be the ancient Baal Berith.Here we stay a week. Beirut is a curious town. The architecture issubstantial, perfectly different from any seen in other parts of Asiauntil you arrive in Syria; quite Saracenic, arches in abundance andcurious tesselated pavements of coloured stones. But this is notTurkish, though now in possession of the Turks, but the architecture ofits former inhabitants remains. I made short excursions into thecountry with some English and Armenian missionaries who have residedsome years in the country, but except the beauties of nature littleelse remarkable is to be seen. For the best information in a smallcompass of this part of Syria Mr. Hope's "Anastasius" will give it. Butwithin the compass of a letter I cannot enter into very great detailunless I were to write it on the spot and take more time and pains thanmy disposition inclines to. As far as professional remarks go, I haveas much as a boat and lead line and bearings will give.

'Here I was in some distress, for the pilot, a Greek, that I got atRhodes declared he knew nothing of the coast, so I discharged him. ATurk now undertook to pilot us to Seyden, though on our arrival there Idetermined to have no more pilots, as they rather confused thenavigation, not being able to give positive information at any time.

'After leaving Beirut we next let go anchor at Saida (Sidon) once sofamed, and now a very tolerable Turkish town. Here no relic ofantiquity is visible except a large block of marble about a mile tosouthward of the town with a Greek inscription (which I did not see;Mandiel gives a sufficient account of it, and my friends who visited itsay it appears to be in precisely the same state that he saw it in)with some remains of a galley mole, which the Turks in their profoundpolicy have blocked up so that it is with difficulty that a small boatcan get in. Here my attention was greatly diverted from examining muchof the town and its contents by the circ*mstance of my dispatching acivil line "with Captain Y's compts to Lady H. Stanhope" offering myservices in any way to take letters &c. to Malta or elsewhere that Imight be going. Lady Hester for some years has refused to see Englishpeople, therefore I had not a hope that she would give me an interview;but to my surprise, on the evening of my writing, her Armenianinterpreter came on board with a kind note by which I found that ahorse and escort were at Saida waiting to conduct me when I mightplease to Djoun her residence in Libanus, about three hours from Saida.Accordingly on the following morning, with Luca my Armenian interpreterwhom I have mentioned in company, we started for the residence of herladyship. The ride, uninteresting from any circ*mstance but that ofactually being on Mount Libanus, deserves no remark, sterile, and butlittle cultivated in this part. Her residence is on an eminence aboutten miles from the sea which it overlooks; on the other side it doesnot look into the bosom of the Valley of Bernica, yet it is high enoughto enjoy the beautiful verdure of the mountain rising on the oppositeside, whose tops are the most lofty of Libanus. The air is pure and thescenery bold. On a hill about a mile to the southward of her habitationis a village which flourishes in the sunshine of her favour andprotection. Her house is a neat building, a mixture of Oriental andEnglish. From the entrance gate a passage (on either side of which is aguard room and some apartments for soldiers and servants) leads to asquare yard, half way across which is a terrace with three steps, roundwhich terrace are the different apartments of servants, interpreters,as also spare rooms for visitors. On the left side of the terrace undera lattice work of wood woven with rose and jessamine I was ushered, andshewn into a small apartment furnished in the Eastern style. Thechiboque and coffee were instantly brought me by a French youth in thecostume of a Mameluke, with compliments from my lady begging I wouldrefresh myself after my fatigue. On my ablutions being finished I wassent for. Passing through several passages I was shewn into a roomrather dark with a curtain drawn across, which being withdrawn I foundmyself in the presence of a Bedouin Arab chief who soon turned out tobe Lady Hester. She expressed great joy at seeing the son of one of themost honest families in England, so she was pleased to express herself.She received me as an English lady of fashion would have done. I atonce became delighted with her, with her knowledge, and I must say herbeauty, for she is still one of the finest specimens of a woman I eversaw. She spoke much of Uncle Charles; her conversation beyond anyperson's I ever met; she was in fine spirits. Her dress, which wellbecame her gigantic person, very rich. I shall pass over ourconversation which was full of liveliness, of marvels and wonders,manners and customs of the people, plagues, troubles, and famines &c.&c. I went back to the brig the following day and returned in theafternoon to Djoun, taking with me Mr. Forrester, my surgeon, who sherequested I would allow to arrange her medicines which were inconfusion and disorder.

'In the evening she sent for me; she smoked the chiboque, her mind waswrought to a high pitch of enthusiasm, she talked wildly and was muchdistressed in mind, in short her intellects were much disordered and itwas very distressing.

'However, she arranged that I should next morning start forDeir-el-Kamr, the capital of the Druses, with a letter to the EmirBashire, the prince of that nation. I perceive that, were I to begin adescription, I should waste much good paper without stating any thingthat is new. The Druses are a most extraordinary people; the Palace ofthe Emir superb, the country richly cultivated by the greatest labourbeing all in ridges on the sides of the mountains, but I shall referyou to Mr. Hope's "Anastasius" for a good description and for all thatis supposed, for nothing is known of their religion. The Emir treatedus with much kindness and I stayed two days in his palace where we hadapartments, visited him in the forenoon after which he did notinterfere with our pleasure; excellent living, about fifty dishesserved to about four people for dinner.

'On a visit to the Emir was a son of the Pacha of Damascus, who offeredme to accompany him back to that city where, he said, I should residein the palace of his father and see all that was to be seen. Such anoffer almost tempted me to cut the Alacrity. I suppose a Christianhardly ever had such an opportunity which he was obliged to lose. LadyHester said it was my djinn or star which got me into such favour. Onthe third morning we breakfasted at Deir-el-Kamr, the town about onemile distant from Petedeen the palace, and returned to Djoun arrivinglate that night. She made me several presents, the most valuable ofwhich I sent home to your charge by Euryalus. She has written to meonce since.

'I wrote a letter to Lord Chatham about her as I know her family knewlittle or nothing about her; in a manner I found myself called on.

'Much more could I write, but really just now my attention is so muchcalled off by continual calling from Capt. Hamilton, who sends for meon every occasion, that this despatch will be curtailed, but I trustthat more particulars will come viva voce.

'Tyre was the next place where we anchored; no vessel of war withEnglish colours had visited this port in the memory of any inhabitantliving at the place, which to be sure is not many; it is little betterthan the prophecy states it should be "a rock for fishers to dry theirnets upon." There are here some superb remains of antiquity,Alexander's isthmus and Solomon's cisterns. Alexander's famous siege ofthis place is too well known and it is quite out of my power to sayanything new of it, but his work will remain for ever; the isthmus hemade to connect the island on which Tyre stood with the mainland isperfect to this day and has no appearance of being a work of art, butof nature. It is 200 fathoms wide in its narrowest part. The mostancient relic in the town of Tyre is the east end of a Christian churchwhich is mentioned by Mandiel; this stands nearly as he left it. Tyreitself is a wretched place; any little attempt that the people havelately made to improve themselves has been thwarted by the Pacha of St.Jean d'Acre, who squeezes them so for money that they never have a parain their pockets. Filth, misery and starvation are the legacy of aTyrian. The country around is rich and superb, its produce might beenormous, but so it is with all Syria that I have seen.

'Solomon's cisterns, which are situated about three miles from Tyre tothe south east, are of an octagonal form built of gravel and cementthat form a solid stone. The elevation of the largest above the levelis twenty-seven feet on the south side, and eighteen on the north; awalk round on the top eight feet wide, a step below twenty-one feetbroad, a stream leaves it turning four mills. There are two smallerones turning two mills at a small distance to the northward of thelarge one. Their original shape appears to have been square, but nowmuch disfigured. The large one is thirty-three yards deep, the peoplebelieve it has no bottom and that the water is brought there by genii.Where it comes from no one knows, but it is always full. I think thesecisterns originally supplied Tyre with water; I traced the remains ofan aqueduct from them nearly to the walls but better than half wayacross the isthmus, so that I think they are of a later date than thetime of Solomon because the aqueduct could not be built over theisthmus before the isthmus was made. They are on the whole the mostcurious relics of antiquity I have seen, they must at least be 2300years old and they are in no way injured, but the supply of water isconstant even in the wannest weather. The country for seven miles roundis a perfect level: I think the water must be brought by someunderground drain from the mountains in the distance to the eastward.The story is that Solomon among the presents made to King Hiram for hisassistance in building the Temple built for him these cisterns, butthey are not mentioned in the Bible, and I think the story improbablefor reasons before mentioned, and that Solomon certainly had not suchgood artificers as King Hiram himself.

'By the bye there are considerable remains of the old port, a mote, bythe ruins of which you can easily trace its extent.

'Haipha and St. Jean d'Acre, Mt. Carmel and the river Kishon "thatancient river" became next the objects of my amusem*nt. I bivouackedone night on the banks of the river at Mt. Tabor and Carmel in sight.At this time an alteration in the weather took place, the gales of windbegan to blow here and the coast consequently became exceedinglydangerous. I thought it prudent to quit it and arrived in Alexandria infourteen days after leaving Haifa, having had a contrary gale nearlythe whole time.

'During my stay in Egypt I was four days in Cairo, eight days on theNile, two days at Sakkara and one day at Gizeh. Salt lent me his houseand his boat with twenty men, and I saw all that was to be seen.Mehemet Ali gave me a Turk to attend me and I play the traveller herefor a few days; time for description I have none. You will be sorry Ihave hurried over the latter part of this despatch but I assure you itis unavoidable. The vessel that takes our letters to Malta I expectwill put herself in quarantine every hour.

'I have returned to Malta, refitted, and am again up the Archipelagowith Captain Hamilton who has just joined company. We have been thelast forty-eight hours rather harassingly employed routing out a nestof pirates which we have done nearly to a man. Our boats have been awayall night and the brig under way. My marines took the men under Lieut.Weately, and my men took two Greek boats with nine men each on boardone of which was the Captain of the Pirates; the Fury's boats tookthe vessels and their prizes, eleven in number. There was no fighting.Captain Lethaby in the Vengeance and Alacrity brought the Bey ofRhodes to his senses the other day; the Consul had been insulted, hewould give no satisfaction, so we took the old way and began at him,when he came to terms. One 18 lb. shot through his palace made him knowthat we did not always bark and never bite. Alacrity was near enoughthe battery to receive a heavy fire of stones from the Turks which,with a few muskets discharged at us, was all the return made by theTurks before the thing was amicably arranged….

'Love to all; I wish Lady Elizabeth Stuart (de Rothesay) would write tome, I do sincerely love that cousin of mine; Grantham's letter I willanswer next opportunity, I am delighted with it.

'Adieu,

'C. YORKE'

VOURLA, GULPH Of SMYRNA:

June 10, 1825.

CHAPTER V

A HOLIDAY IN NORTHERN REGIONS. 1828

My father appears to have had a long leave between the two commands, inthe Alacrity (1826) and the Alligator (1829), during which commandshe was employed in the Mediterranean, with a roving commission—a freelance, in short—to put down piracy and watch the War of Independencebetween the Greeks and the Turks. He never let the grass grow under hisfeet, so off he started with his friend Walrond on a roving tourthrough the greater part of Scandinavia, and his journals contain adaily record, extending over nearly six months. He crossed theDovrefeld Range between Norway and Sweden (a journey seldom undertakento-day), and in 1828 the lack of travelling facilities was exceptional.

The energy and resource of my father's character and his great powersof observation appear to great advantage in these journals, and thereare many facts which I shall endeavour to relate as far as possible inhis own graphic words.

He was greatly impressed by the kindness and hospitality he receivedfrom all classes in both countries with the exception of one districtnear Gottenborg, where he met with some outrageous conduct on the partof a postmaster, who either thought he was robbed, or else fullyintended to rob his guest.

He was honoured by interviews with King Charles John IV, better knownas Bernadotte, Napoleon's Field-Marshal and founder of the presentroyal dynasty of Sweden, and it is worthy of note that as far back as1828, Norway was chafing under the Union with Sweden which was broughtabout by the Treaty of Kiel in 1814 and has so lately been dissolved.

On the 10th of May 1828, Captain Yorke started from the Customs HouseWharf on the Thames, in a small steamer of 300 tons. Steam navigationbeing then in its infancy the vessel was of great interest to thetraveller, who notes that she had 'two very fine engines of 40 horsepower!'

The passage to Hamburg took exactly fifty-five hours. It is curious inthe light of eighty years' commercial progress to read that 'Thecommerce on the Elbe has no comparison with that of the Thames.' Thenfollows a difficulty with the Customs officer, who, unaware of thehabits of British sportsmen, was horrified to find gunpowder among thecaptain's baggage, a discovery which necessitated an appeal to theBritish Consul and entailed a delay of several days.

Kiel was reached on 14th of May, and after exploring the pretty littletown the two friends took the Caledonian steam packet for Copenhagen.This little steamer was built as a pleasure boat for James Watt, andhad run nine years making much money for her owner though a very 'badboat.'

At Copenhagen Captain Yorke was much impressed by the royal palace ofFrederiksborg, with its chapel where are crowned the Kings of Denmark,and its pane of glass on which Caroline Matilda [Footnote: Sister ofGeorge III, Queen of Christian VII. She was entrapped into a confessionof criminality to save the life of her supposed lover Struensee, whowas afterwards beheaded. She was condemned to imprisonment for life inthe Castle of Zell, and died there aged twenty-four in 1775.] hadscratched, 'O keep me innocent; make others great.' His professionalinterest was kindled by the Trekroner Battery which he visited in aboat, and of which he noticed both the strong and the weak points. Hefailed to get into the dockyard, though here again he was careful tonote the number of ships of the line, frigates, and launches afloat;but the royal stud of 700 horses and the riding school struck him most.On the 20th of May our travellers reached Elsinore, and crossing overin an open boat to the Swedish coast they landed at Helsingborg.

My father was a good sportsman, and fishing was his favourite sport. Itwas combined with that love of scenery which was one of hischaracteristics, and his first fly was thrown in a beautiful river atFalkenborg, rented by two Englishmen who paid £300 a year for it. Herehe remarks that the Swedes 'are poor, honest, and exceedingly goodnatured.'

'I believe,' he wrote, 'that much of the great civility we receivedarose from our travelling as we did, without speaking or understandingthe language, with no servant and no carriage, taking the commonconveyances of the country. Our fare, chiefly fish, black bread, andbrandy. The country round Falkenborg is barren, with cultivated spotshere and there.

'After leaving Falkenborg we experienced a great change in thecharacter of the people. Kindness and honesty were changed forill-looks and petty extortions. On a bridge between Moruss and Asa, thewoman who kept it and our drivers charged a double toll, and drank theoverplus in schnapps before our faces! Our vehicle is changed from fourwheels to two, so we now travel in little wooden gigs and four horses,forming a pretty cavalcade.

'We arrived at Gottenborg about 1 P.M., dined table d'hôte and leftat four. We passed along the banks of the Wener, a superb river. Thevessels that trade from Gottenborg to the Wener See pass up this river.To pass the falls a canal is cut through the solid rock, with twolocks. I saw a vessel of 80 tons go through. Considerable saw mills areerected here, the timber cut up, the lumber is just marked, launcheddown and the owners look out for themselves.

'The Wener shows one of the finest works of art perhaps in the world!To navigate this river at the falls it has been necessary to cut acanal for one English mile at least through mountains of solid rock,and has eight locks. The mountains are granite and basalt. There is acut through the rock also parallel with the river. This cut is useless,for there is in it a fall of sixty feet perpendicular, so that what itwas made for it is difficult to conceive.'

Between Trolhätta and Gottenborg our travellers were detained fourhours on the road. The reason for this detention is fully explained ina letter my father wrote to Sir Joseph Yorke a month or two later, fromwhich I make the following extract:

'While the servants were shifting our luggage at Gottenborg I went intothe house to get change for a three dollar Banco Note. On receiving thechange I found it was only two Dollar Rix Geld, a depreciated currency,after which I offered, with a remonstrance, a two dollar 'Banco' note.The woman took it, and was then possessed of five dollar Banco, forwhich I could get no further exchange than the two Rix Geld beforementioned, neither would she return my money. I took the firstopportunity of snatching it from her, first the two dollar note andthen the three, and pushing the small change lying on the table towardsher, walked out of the house. Having managed to pay the horses wewished to proceed but the driver refused to go, under the plea that Ihad taken three dollars from the woman of the house, and they would notmove till I returned it. Neither threats nor entreaties prevailed, andwe remained about two hours till the Postmaster arrived in person. Iappealed to him, it was useless, and I saw no alternative but to offerhim the three dollars, making him understand as well as I could, thathe being Postmaster was responsible, and that I should acquaint theauthorities at Gottenborg of his conduct in taking from me threedollars which neither belonged to him nor the woman of the house. Helooked at the note and threw it on the table, then left the inn, and ina minute returned with a pair of screw irons to which was attached achain, himself and another laid hold of me, and attempted to force myhands into them.

'By this time we had all come out of the house. I struck right and leftand effectually released myself. We were set on by the seven or eightmen standing by, and though successful in repelling their attack,seeing my servant badly wounded and that iron instruments werebeginning to be used, I thought it better to suffer myself to besecured, which was done by screwing my hands into the irons and makingme fast by padlocking the chain to a part of the room. In thissituation I remained for about half an hour, the Postmaster preparingto accompany us, which he did taking me with him in his car as aprisoner. On a remonstrance from Walrond on the tightness of the screwsfrom which I suffered dreadfully, he took off the irons before gettinginto the car, but he was armed.

'On arriving at Lilla Edet, we were taken before a magistrate, showedour passports and were dismissed, after refusing to compromise theaffair for five dollars. This is the story and a very strange one itis. The King has ordered a process to be begun against the men. I canmake no comment upon it. The reason for such treatment it is impossibleto conceive.'

But on arriving at Gottenborg, I find my father called on the Governor,and found him justly very indignant, and he declared the Postmastershould go to prison for three years with hard labour, exclaiming at thesame time, 'Nous ne sommes pas des Barbares, monsieur.'

Changing vessels of passage twice, my father arrived at Christiania.

'Xtiania fiord is deep and the town is situated at the head of it. Partof the passage of the fiord is very narrow among the small islands, andthe water very deep. Though Christiania is but a poor town comparedwith other northern towns, yet its environs may boast of more beautythan perhaps any capital in the universe.'

My father finds the politeness of the inhabitants expensive, and says,'in walking the streets of northern towns, you can wear out a good hatin three days.'

In return they received the greatest civility from twofellow-passengers who took them to call on Count Plater, theStadt-Holder or Governor of Xtiania, who was an admiral in their navyand spoke excellent English; also on Count Rosen.

'Went to see the Storthing in the morning. Strangers were admitted tothe Gallery on requesting a ticket from the Police!'

My father writes:

'The origin of this Constitution, (now such a thorn in the side of theKing,) was in the reign of the Danish Prince Christian, who himselfassembled a body of the people to consult on the affairs of State atthe moment previous to Norway and Sweden falling under the power ofFrance. The body thus met, constituted themselves into a perpetualassembly for the government of the country, and by their prudence andindependence, it is now permanently established (1828) and never were apeople more attached to their constitution.' Dining with Count Platerthe Viceroy of Norway, at 3 P.M., he met forty people, all theMinisters of State and great officers in full dress with their 'orders'on; also three peasant Labour Candidates in the costume of theircountry, being Members of the Storthing. He also met Count Videll, a'most fascinating person' who, being asked as to the purchase of acarriage, replied politely, 'I will give you one'; and he sent it,saying, 'It is nothing, I have plenty.' The valley of the Drammen hebeheld from the mountain of their descent, 'charm and awe' by turns arethe sensations of the travellers, and this led them on to Kongsberg, atone time famous for its silver mines, but the mines not being workedand the timber trade also decreasing, the population went with it andwas then only 4000. The travellers went down the only silver mine thenworked, in the dress of a miner, walked through a horizontal gallery amile long till they came to the shaft, and descended two storeys butcould not proceed, the fire being just lit below.

'This mine returns about £1250 sterling of silver per ann. Sixty minersare employed at £14 a year each! Bears, wolves and reindeer abound inthis vicinity. There is plenty of iron, not worked, and gold has alsobeen found in Kongsberg. From thence to Topam(?) we were surprised tofind ourselves driven up to the door of a gentleman's place, out cameJack Butler, and the master of the house, pressing us to walk in; afterexcuses and proper hesitation we accepted, and found ourselves in aroom with people at supper, ladies pretty ones too, who spoke English!

'The fact is that Topam, of which we had heard so much, is agentleman's place; after dinner we were shown to our room (one only wasvacant). Walrond had a bed and I slept in my cloak.'

Next day they engaged a well-organised chasse. My father pronounces
Topam (?) the most beautiful thing he had ever seen. 'Mr. Benker of
Berlin, their host, purchased it from the King of Sweden for £150,000.
It is the only thing on this scale in Europe.'

The travellers now returned to Christiania, apparently to be receivedby the King. They intended dining with their old friend Count Plater,but the King commanded them to dine with him. After waiting some timethey were ushered in by Baron Lamterberg, the head Chamberlain, andafter a few minutes the King entered—(here follows the interview inCaptain Yorke's own words):

'I apologised for being in plain clothes instead of uniform or courtdress; he replied, "I do not want to see the dress but the man, I amglad to see you both." He then addressed his conversation in differenttopics, viz.: policy of Sweden, change of ministry in England, thenavy, the country, and the mines of Sweden; all of which he enlargedmuch on.

'He remarked, speaking of England, "That she must have a stronggovernment or things would not go right in a turn of affairs which heseemed to think must soon come. A strong government is absolutelynecessary for England." He asked me if I thought that much order orsignals could be attended to after a naval fight had once begun? Ianswered, "I thought it depended much on the weather, and which fleethad the weather gage. With a strong wind and the weather gage I thoughta well-conducted fleet could keep in good order, as long as sparsstood." We stayed with the King for an hour before dinner which wasserved at half-past five, after taking schnapps and anchovies, &c. (atwhich preparation the King did not appear, they being served at sidetables). The company, about thirty generals, Colonels and Officers ofState, were scattered about in different rooms; the King suddenlyentered and took his seat; everyone did the same, nothing was said; hefell to work, a very good dinner. I sat opposite the King who neverspoke, or even changed his countenance, or his knife and fork, whichwere of gold, and wiped them himself on bread.

'He ate of many dishes, and drank claret and Seltzer water. The platewas silver except what he had, the glass plain except his, and theknives and forks were wiped and given to us again. Dinner over, coffeewas served and he talked to me, hoped to see me at Stockholm, bowed tothe company and retired. The King is a perfect gentleman and man of theworld, elegant in his manners and dress, the most intelligentcountenance, and very upright, and good looking in feature.'

I have before noted that my father had really no evening dress oruniform and was sorely put to it what to do, when he remembered he hadgiven his servant Jack Butler an old black coat, so he borrowed it forthe occasion, Butler remarking 'that it looked as good as new, as hehad blacked the seams with ink.' This was told to the Chamberlain, whor*peated it to the King, who went into a paroxysm of laughter.

June 13.—We now come to the parting with Walrond, faithful friend andcompanion, and sad was the leave-taking. Both were sorry to part, myfather with a long and dreary journey before him alone in a strangeland. As before, he seems to have been most hospitably treated whereverhe halted. Excellent rooms and good food were provided. Between thisand Brejden (? Trondhjem) he passed by the wooden monument erected toSinclair, who was there shot. The Norwegians say that silver bulletswere cast on purpose to kill him. Here also they murdered forty Scots,prisoners, in cold blood. Between Brejden (?) and Langan Pass, the spotwhere the action was fought, 700 Scots fell. The pass is, even with agood road, very narrow, and the mountain above and below nearlyperpendicular; at the foot runs the Langan, a rapid stream. TheNorwegians held the heights, and with them a handful of men mightdefeat the enemy.

In crossing the summit and then the descent of the Dovrefeld Range, hesuffered much fatigue both to the eye and limb, 'for never did my eyewander over so desolate a waste as the summit of these mountains, thepeaks covered with snow, and spots of deep snow in the valleys.' Not avestige of herbage or tree to be seen on the northern summit, nor forone Swedish mile of the descent; then begins the stunted birch, nextthe Scotch fir, and 'towards the end of the day our eyes were cheeredby the sight of pines.'

'The inhabitants of the Post-houses are the cleanest people I haveseen, and one is surprised by meeting clocks, carved, painted andgilded, and walls covered with inscriptions or rudely painted figures.All their utensils are well scrubbed, and as white as wood can be made.They wear plaid and recall in their delivery the people of the ScotchHighlands.'

Here comes another description of meals, the table at the latter beingcovered with 'glass, flowers and sweets,' Diner à la Russe, now socompletely our own fashion. 'A general welcome to the board is firstgiven, and on rising from table we shake hands all round and the words,"much good may it do you" often accompanies this greeting.' This againreminds one of the German gesegnete Mahlzeit.

Captain Yorke continues his inquiries by visiting the Arsenal atTrondhjem which he finds in good order with stores and gunpowder insmall quantities. Twenty gunboats are here laid up in houses built forthe purpose, everything connected with them in good repair. They have alarge lug sail with a mast that falls down. How quaint all thesedescriptions must appear to sailors of modern times!

'Besides the Arsenal, the King's Regalia was inspected with laudablecuriosity. It distinctly belonged to Norway, but was made at Stockholmfor the coronation of the present King in the old Church. A verygorgeous affair, the jewels (pearls) no diamonds, and the other stonesin the crown chiefly amethysts. The Bernadotte family, on the whole, isnot popular in Norway. Sport is always mingled with hospitality andentertainments; a vast quantity of eider duck is everywhere on thewater, and to take a boat and go out on the Fiord with a gun, is one ofthe delights of this most delightful tour. It is curious to see theaffection of the old ones for the brood, which they never will forsakeand so fall an easy prey to the fowler.'

Trondhjem was left with much regret. The pictures, the old town withits hospitality, the fishing for trout and shooting of eider duck withthe gorgeous scenery left an indelible impression, but night beginningto darken at twelve put the traveller in mind that time was passingwith rapidity and that to effect the journey before him he must depart.

The next point of general interest is a visit to a family of Laplandersa mile up the mountains. Herick Anderson, the head or chief of hisfamily, received the whole party, consisting of Captain Yorke, a friend(Mr. Charter), and their servants, with 'great delight.'

They were milking the deer, so the travellers could not have arrived ata more fortunate moment. Five hundred of these animals were enclosed ina circular space with birch trees cut down and made into a temporaryfence, so giving a good opportunity for looking at the animal. It isabout the height of our common fallow deer, but much stronger andlarger in make, large necks and feet, large-boned legs, with immenseantlers covered with flesh and skin, a dark mouse colour, coat thick,most even and beautiful to look at. The milk is rich beyond any evertasted. They dined with the Laps on reindeer soup and bouillie, scaldedmilk and cheese—a characteristic meal. The scalded milk was delicious,but so rich they could hardly eat it.

They also had a fine sight of Lapland deer dogs, and bought one for10s.; I suppose that quarantine was not invented then!

After a good deal of brandy drinking the travellers departed with somedifficulty, for the Finns got so riotous that it was with force theygot them from the horses' heads, holding on to the bridles to preventtheir departure.

The Diet at Stockholm (November 1828) was opened with great pomp andceremony. My father was present and went in the suite of LordBloomfield, our Minister at the Swedish Court. The ceremony began at 10A.M., the King and Crown Prince going in state to the church wheredivine service was performed. From there a procession to the palace.

The nobles, Ministers of State, &c., with bands of music met them, theKing and Crown Prince walking under a canopy with their crowns on theirheads. Then followed Foreign Ministers with their suites, then twelvemen in armour with large helmets (a bodyguard established by CharlesXII), and more burghers, clergy, and peasants; guards on one side,artillery on the other, and on entering the square of the palace, theHorse Guards lined the way. The King took his seat on the throne at theupper end of the Riks Salon, the Crown Prince on his right a littlebelow him; the Ministers of State at the foot of the throne, behindofficers of the household, below in a semicircle the guards in armour.At each side on seats the members of the Diet, in a gallery on the leftsat the Queen and Princess Royal with their ladies. In another galleryopposite the throne sat the Foreign Minister and strangers ofdistinction. The King then delivered his speech to the Crown Prince,who read it, silence being obtained by the chief minister striking hisbaton three times on the ground (which reminds one of a beadle in aRoman Catholic ceremony!).

The marshal of the ceremony also struck his baton three times on theground—the signal for the speakers from the Diet to deliver theirrespective addresses, after which the whole procession left the RiksSalon as it came.

'Carl Johan did the King to admiration, though he looked weary anddistressed.

'The Prince was more at his ease, he put one in mind of the pictures wesee of our old Saxon Kings, the crown being made to that shape.'

On November 17 my father received a summons from the King at 7 P.M.,and was most kindly received.

'He first conversed on Norway, and asked about the new road betweenNorway and Sweden. "You, I think, have been in Egypt," said he, "thePasha is a most extraordinary man?" I replied, "One of the mostextraordinary men in the world." "Egypt is well governed, is it not?""Perhaps so, sire, to answer the Pasha's own ends, but horridlytyrannised over, and the people dreadfully oppressed." "But they are abarbarous people, and must be ruled with severity, are they not?""True, sire, barbarous, yet his system of Government must militateagainst his own wishes; for example, he would fain contend with yourmanufactures in the market, yet he will not allow the manufacturer towork for himself, and do his best to get the best price, but will havethe article made for his own sale, paying only so much a day for hislabour." "Perhaps," said the King, "in Egypt the people are slaves, butin Europe, Kings are the only slaves. In England and Sweden, your Kingand I myself are the only slaves. Eh? is it not so?"

'"If your Majesty will use any other word than slave, I shall be happyto agree."

'"What word can I use?" he said. "It is true, I am the only slave inSweden. Now, Captain Yorke, do you suppose that Egypt could be governedby a representative government?"

'My answer was immediate, "Impossible, sire."

'"There, Count Welterdick, do you hear that?" Turning to the courtiersand Lord Bloomfield, he ejacul*ted with considerable force, "There,there, you are right, sir—you are right!" During all this conversationthe King seemed considerably excited. The Diet had just met and thingshad not gone there so as to please him. After a few more commonplaceobservations he said, "Good evening. The Queen wishes to see you below,go to her, and dine with me before you leave us."'

CHAPTER VI

GREEK INDEPENDENCE. 1829-1831

In letters written from Stockholm to his father and brother in theautumn of 1828, Captain Yorke expresses very urgently his desire tofind himself again on active service. 'I see the Lord High Admiral isout,' he wrote to Sir Joseph in September of that year, 'and whoevercomes in, pray try and get me to the Mediterranean if it is possible.'A month later his brother, the Rev. Henry Yorke, is reminded of thesame wish. 'Since the Russians have blockaded the Dardanelles and oldMelville has again taken up the cudgels, I do not know what to think,and I anxiously await a line from England. Employment is what I mostwish, and now more than ever, for England will be at war ere long. Itrust in God my friends will stir for me.'

Captain Yorke's anticipation of a war in which England should beinvolved was not fulfilled, but the chafing at a life of inaction bythe ardent sailor which appears so clearly in his letters was soonrelieved by his appointment to the command of the brig Alligator inNovember or December of 1828.

After some short service in home waters, during which he visited theOrkneys, Captain Yorke was ordered to take the Alligator to theMediterranean station, where it doubtless occurred to the authoritiesthat the energy and ability he had shown when in command of theAlacrity in Greek waters a few years earlier would be of service inthe new circ*mstances which had arisen in that part of the world. TheGreek War of Independence, which was in full progress when CaptainYorke was engaged in suppressing the piracy of which it was a chiefcause in 1823-26, was now drawing to a close. In 1827 Great Britain,France, and Russia were all united in securing the independence of thecountry, which was recognised by a treaty between the three Powers inthat year, and in January following Count Capo d'Istria was electedPresident of the new republic. There remained, however, the difficultyof extracting the same acknowledgment from the Sultan, and from hispowerful and practically independent vassal, Mehemet Ali Pacha ofEgypt, whose aid he had invoked, and whose son Ibrahim held much of therevolted country. But in 1828 the Allies at last came to an arrangementwith Mehemet, and by a convention concluded by Sir Edward Codrington,that potentate agreed to evacuate the Morea and to deliver allcaptives. There then remained the difficult work of fixing boundaries,of taking over such parts of the country as were occupied by theTurkish and Egyptian forces, and of reconciling the inhabitants ofthose portions of the Hellenic territory which had not been allowed bythe Powers to attain their independence to a continuance of the Turkishrule. Of these the island of Crete with its heroic Spakiotes, who hadnever acknowledged the Sultan as their sovereign, was perhaps the mosttroublesome and difficult. There remained also the incidentalsuppression of the piracy which still continued. This duty, as before,fell mainly to the share of Captain Yorke in the Alligator.

From a journal among the Hardwicke MSS. at the British Museum, I amable to trace my father in that service from September 1, 1830,onwards. He was then ordered to visit Volo, Salonica, and theneighbourhood, 'owing to the reports of piracies lately committed, andto express all manner of good will to all parties excepting suchpirates, whom I am ordered to destroy should I fall in with them.' Onhis arrival at Napoli at the end of August he found the admirals ofFrance and Russia and the Commissioners for settling the boundaries ofthe new republic. 'The work goes slowly on,' he records; 'Russia makesdifficulties and throws obstacles in the way.' He reports that Capod'Istria was generally unpopular, an opinion which was confirmed by hisassassination only a year later. He found the islands of theArchipelago much dissatisfied with the result of their rebellion, manyof them apparently preferring to remain under the Turk; others with agrievance because they had not been included in the transfer; all ofthem intensely jealous of each other. 'The islands are particularlydissatisfied,' he says. 'Their situation is much changed. Under theTurk the islander was freer and was rich and had great trade; now,ruined by the war, he has lost his ships and his commerce.' OnSeptember 3 he sails along the coast of Negropont, about to beevacuated by the Turks, and hears of piracies committed by them inleaving that country. 'It is not to be supposed,' he says, 'that thesereckless ruffians would desist from insulting Greek boats and vesselswhen they fall in with them.' Going on to Volo, the Aga of that townassured him that no piracies had taken place recently in the district,and 'that a small boat might now go in safety to Constantinople,' butof this the captain evidently had his doubts. On the 6th he fell inwith the Meteor, Captain Copeland, and anchored with her near Zituni,between Negropont and the coast of Thessaly. His impression of thispart of the world is of interest.

'In this part of Thessaly,' he says, 'an English ship had never beenbefore seen to anchor. I was greeted by the natives. The Greekpopulation are armed, and the number of Turks in the surroundingdistrict does not exceed fifteen. Opposite to us is the pass ofThermopylae, of which pass there is now no remains, the sea havingreceded and a considerable plain of alluvial soil now exists where thePass must have been. The part of Thessaly opposite the Negropont is theancient Myseria and the first scene of the memorable ArgonauticExpedition. Volo was Iolcos, from which Jason embarked his band ofadventurers. Pelion is seen from the gulf.'

While lying near Zituni, Captain Yorke received news of a pirate namedMacri Georgio, who two days before had plundered a schooner, and wasapparently at large in two boats with sixty armed ruffians in the Gulfof Salonica. He immediately set sail for Cape Palliouri, anchored hisbrig by lantern light just round that point on September 11, and atmoonrise led an expedition of five boats with sixty men and three days'provisions in search of the pirate. There followed many interviews withthe Agas of different districts, who gave him much conflicting evidenceabout the doings of Macri Georgio, but with no result, and theAlligator was finally brought to an anchor at Salonica, where heprosecuted further inquiries. Salonica, which to-day promises to becomea bone of contention among some of the Powers of Europe, he found 'aclean town, containing about 70,000 inhabitants. The walls are in theTurkish style of fortification and without a ditch; the city stands onan inclined plain gently sloping to the sea, the sea wall is flanked bytwo towers at either end. The surrounding country is plain withmountains rising at the back.' He already noticed a great change in theattitude of the Turks, owing to the long struggle they had sustainedwith the Greeks and with Russia during the late war.

'As it is, the empire is weakened, and the Turks know not what to makeof it. They say the Sultan is a Giaour. The Turks, too, seem to havelost all their former pride, the lower orders are afraid, and the upperclasses are quite disaffected. The change has been most wonderful, noris it quite possible to reconcile to oneself how it has been broughtabout. The Koran is no longer the law of the land, and therefore youcan hardly say they are any longer Turks. In Salonica this day, anindependent Greek was seen beating an armed Turk in the streets.'

From Salonica Captain Yorke, hearing of another clue, started in searchof the elusive Macri Georgio, whom he thought he had at last located inthe Peneus. So there is another expedition in the boats with sixty menand a twelve-miles pull to Platamona. At a village, Karitza, they hearof an atrocity of the pirates, who had burned a boat and killed all thecrew, leaving one poor fellow only, dead on the beach with his rightarm missing, as witness to the outrage. So the little force bivouacs onthe beach, and at 4.30 next morning chase and fire on some men whomthey see hauling a boat over a sandbank into the river Peneus, withothers retreating into the forest. There followed another chase up theriver with the lighter boats, which after rowing up stream as far asthey would float found only the small boat seen the day before,abandoned and with no one in sight. In these expeditions the name ofLieutenant Hart is frequently mentioned by my father. When in lateryears Captain Yorke succeeded to the earldom of Hardwicke, heremembered this gentleman, found him a place as agent of his estates,and had in him a second right-hand for many years at Wimpole.

On October 30, 1830, Captain Yorke had taken the Alligator toKarabusa, and as from that point onward his journal is of greatinterest, I print it in his own words. It shows, I think, the qualitiesof firmness and energy which have appeared so fully in all that he did,as well as diplomatic talents of a high order in circ*mstances of somedifficulty. His orders were to take over Karabusa from the insurgentsand hold it pending the settlement. There is a gap in the journal ofsome six months at the end of the year 1830, and on the 2nd of June1831 he records leaving the Alligator for England. In nothing that hewrote does his love of the sea and of his profession appear soconvincingly as in the touching words in which he records leaving hiscrew and his ship. These require no comment, and I set them out as heleft them, together with some reflections on the home voyage which helpto display his character, and some remarks upon the steamer in which hereached England, which have a peculiar interest in showing thedifficulties of the early days of steam navigation.

'Oct. 13, 1830.—Arrived and moored to the shore at Karabusa (off CapeBusa in Crete). I am sent here to take possession of the fortress fromthe Greeks, and to hold it in the name of the Allies until I am orderedto surrender it to the Turks. It is an extraordinary rock very high anddifficult of access on the western side. Its face to the sea isperpendicular. The Venetians fortified this height, and it is a perfectGibraltar. A small garrison could defend it as long as the necessariesof life remained within. The anchorage is bad, the bottom being rocky;but it is a perfect harbour, being open to view only to the west andhere a breakwater of rock runs across—on this breakwater the Cambriawas lost. I communicate on my arrival with Mons. Le Ray of the brigGrenadier and Captain Maturkin of the brig Achilles, my colleaguesfor France and Russia.

'Oct. 15.—Arrived at Karabusa and desired to see me three Candiotes(Spakiote chiefs) professing to be a deputation from the Cretansrequesting to know what we meant to do with Karabusa; speaking of theirforlorn condition, of the Turks being about to break the armistice, andpraying me to give protection to those who wished to fly to Karabusa.In reply I said that my power was limited, that I had my orders andthey were, to receive the Island of Karabusa from the Greeks, and tohold it in the name of the Allies until I received orders to surrenderit to the Turks. Voilà tout! After this I said, "I now may speak myown private opinion and give my advice. That is that Candia belongs intoto to the Turks, and you had better submit." I used all thearguments I was master of to induce them so to do, and said that ontheir heads would rest the blood that might be spilt by deceiving thepeople, and inducing them to resist; that the Pacha of Egypt had made aproclamation, the most gracious. They said they had never seen it, buton producing a copy of it we found they were well acquainted therewith.Sent for the Russian and French captains to give their opinion andadvice, which precisely tallied with mine. Mons. Le Ray was forrequesting the Turk to extend his armistice, which expired to-day andgive more time for the surrender of arms, but I differed with him onthis point, for you "must be cruel to be kind," and in prolonging thetime of their submission you prolong hope, the Greek will after suchtime is expired only ask for more.

'Three chiefs Chrisaphopulo and Anagnosti and another whose name I didnot know are the same who made the attempt to retake the island sixteendays ago.

'They are pirates and were then in Crete and had much to do in Karabusaformerly; I expect that the proclamation of Mohammed Ali has beenprevented reaching the ears of the Spakiotes by them.

'Oct. 16.—Arrived here a secretary of a Greek chief in Candia andtried by intrigue to gain what he thought would turn to his advantage,the opinion of the Russian captain as to our future intentions andproceedings here: he tried to persuade him to give them some ammunition&c. &c. He expressed his abhorrence and hatred of the English, sayingthat in Candia all said we had sold the island to the Turks and hadundone them. He declared that the Greeks had not yet lost all hope ofgaining Karabusa but when they had they would carry their women andchildren to Spakia.

'Yesterday received news from Canea the Egyptians have established agood police in the town and two councils have been established, oneGreek and the other Turk. Also, a proclamation of Mustapha Pacha, mostaffectionate in its language, offering protection to those whosurrendered and denouncing vengeance on those who still held their arms.

'Oct. 20.—During the night a brisk fire of musketry began, abouthalf-past one; went to quarters, went on shore with marines. Atdaylight took seven prisoners of which Chrisaphopulo was one, two ofthe others were Candiote captains.

'I consider that as there were about 100 [Footnote: Proved afterwardsto have been 800.] men on the opposite side that it was an excursionmade by them during a dark and tempestuous night to reconnoitre.Chrisaphopulo came to the house of Apostolides and said I had come withten men, on which the said Apostolides sends a corporal to inform thegarrison; after which every stone they saw was a man. Query: ifChrisaphopulo had said I came with 100 what would he have done?To-morrow we mean to quarter the prisoners. I think that D'Aubigny hassurrendered Karabusa and not his lieutenants.

'Chrisaphopulo presses me to receive petitions of the inhabitants. Hewhen alone with me said the Candiotes would fain be in the service ofthe English. I think this will follow, that he will offer to giveKarabusa to the English and assist them to defend it if I will protecttheir families.

'It is necessary that something should be done for the Greeks atKarabusa, also, that the President should do something for those Greekfamilies who are about to leave Greece.

'Oct. 22.—Canaris interfered with the commandant of the garrison inthe affair of Wednesday night. He came out here to-day and I met him,Captain Maturkin, and M. D'Aubigny. I said I had nothing to do withthis affair, as the Greek flag was flying on the fortress, that whathad passed was purely a Greek affair, but that should they wish me toassent to the examination of the prisoners I should be most happy.Canaris wished that I and Maturkin would not remain in the room; weconsequently went away, after expressing a desire to have a report ofthe decision, as it must be a matter of great interest to me.

'They were allowed to depart with their arms. From all I have been ableto make out it must have been an attack which was intended but whichfailed owing to their not getting over quick enough. They had 150 menon the other side. These seven got over in a row boat, passed my sentryon the beach running, a few minutes after the firing began from thefortress the Alligator was at quarters with her ports lit up, and arocket was thrown from the ship. All this showed that there was no hopeof a surprise, the others consequently went back.

'The next morning, thinking that their chiefs were slain or taken, theyupbraided each other, quarrelled and fought; many were killed andwounded; among the former two captains, one of whom was a man that wastried at Malta for piracy but escaped. I told those that came over thatif I caught them again here, they would be shot.

'Oct. 27.—Left the ship (on the information that the Pacha was aboutto march) in the gig with a great chief, for Kesamos; on my arrival wasreceived by all the chiefs on the beach, and conducted with mycompanion (Simpson) to Castelli (a small fortress about a musket shotfrom the sea, the interior of which is a perfect ruin), where I wasushered into a room up a ladder and followed by the chiefs, and thearmed population of the place, who quietly began plying me withquestions not one of which I understood, until a Greek of Milo appearedwho spoke a little English. Various were the questions asked: "Mightthey fire on the Turks"; "could I get for them more time"; "why do theTurks make war on us"; "might they hoist the English colours?" A greatdeal of excitement was visible among this canaille of a populationand I was in considerable apprehension of consequences, particularly asthere were present three or four of the captains whom I had ordered tobe shot if they put foot in Karabusa. At length after much detention,terms were procured and I was permitted to depart saying that I woulddo my possible to stop the march of the Turks for a few days. I leftCastelli as I had entered it under a salute of three guns. In fivehours we reached Gonia, a monastery situated on the coast of the Gulfof Canea where we were most hospitably entertained, good fare and goodbeds; our party was very talkative on Greek affairs. There were amongthe party the Spakiote chiefs Vanilikeli and Chrisophopulos.

'The next morning we proceeded, and as it was raining heavily we wereobliged to stop for two hours in a ruined house. Here in a few minuteslittle streams became torrents carrying before them trees and lands, infour hours we reach the Greek lines. The country we passed through waslevel and rich in oil and wine; yesterday the country was rugged andmountainous. When we advanced from the Greek lines across the neutralground towards the Turkish lines, considerable anxiety was apparent inthe Turkish advanced post; we were about twenty horsem*n, the chiefswell mounted and armed to the teeth, and took post on a level risingground, where we dismounted, and lit our pipes as a preliminary toconversation. The Turkish vedettes now advanced to about musket shot,when I mounted my horse and rode over to them, desiring to be taken toMustapha Pacha; a young Greek chief named Leuhouthi accompanied me. Wewere soon joined by Hafir Aga, a stout good-natured Turk who, aftergiving us a good luncheon, accompanied us on our journey to Canea wherein about three hours we arrived sending a courier to the camp. In onehour more found myself in the tent of Mustapha Pacha, and was addressedwith "Asseyez-vous je vous prie" by Osman Bey. After having conversedon the affairs of Karabusa, at which the Turk complained bitterly ofour policy in keeping his men from landing, I requested him to stay hismarch against the Greeks for a few days as my crew at Karabusa was weakand I feared his first movement would be a signal for a second attack;but, as I expected a reinforcement of French, he might then march as weshould be efficient for the defence of Karabusa. I saw at once thiswould not do and next morning again tried my hook, but the fish wouldnot bite; when on the point of marching, three Greeks were brought intothe tent with the information that the Greeks had made a display of thethree flags of England, France and Russia.

'I immediately said that the Pacha could not with propriety marchagainst those flags until I had in person visited the position and hadascertained how the case stood. The Pacha gave me a horse and throwinghis own cloak over my shoulders (for it rained hard) I started off withmy Greek friend and a few Turkish guards whom I requested might return,as I wished to go alone, my mission being perfectly pacific. In abouteight hours I reached Cambus (? Kampos), a prodigiously strong positionin the mountains, and on approaching afar off I beheld the three Greekflags flying on the pinnacle of the highest mountain in sight. The passto the position of Cambus is most narrow and difficult, and then at thesummit it is a plateau of fine soil with large trees and gardens. It isa most beautiful spot and well worth fighting for. I was soon usheredinto an assembly of the chiefs who were Spakiotes, and Mons. Resièrewas there also. This Mons. Resière was originally a physician of Canea;born in Crete and having received a good education and speakingEuropean languages, he was considered by the President of Greece as afit man to govern Crete. He now wishes to keep up the shadow of thatpower which he once had, and has established a council, at Milopotamosin Crete, of which he is president, for the government of the Greeksand arrangement of the future plans of operation. In quietly conversingwith Resière I found by his own confession that the object was to gaintime, and he beseeched me to use my endeavours for that purpose. To besure comments may be made of the conduct of the allies towards theCandiote Greeks this year, for the sale of property does not expireuntil February and the enemy has been permitted to march against theGreeks; their olives are ripe and they wish time to gather their cropand reap the advantages of it, for though the Greeks love liberty theylove money better. As matters were I had used my endeavours for thatpurpose and without success. I now spoke publicly, and the captains andtroops were assembled in a large room. I desired the flags of the threenations to be immediately surrendered to me. There was now a longsilence, during which time the captains eyed one another, apparently toread in the countenance of each what was to be done. At length theheadmost and best speaker (his words coming out like drops of waterfrom an exhausted supply) "You may send and take away that of yournation, but the others we will not give up." I replied I had made ademand and required an answer; after much consideration they gave onein the negative. I on this made a verbal protest against the colours ofthe allies being hoisted in opposition to the Governor and departed. Onmy journey over the mountains, it rained hard, and enveloped as I wasin the cloak or mantle of the Pacha, I feared I should be taken for aTurk and shot at, or that my neck would be broken in the difficultpasses of the mountains; but in this case the excellent animal I rodeserved me most faithfully and never made a blunder. Oh Maria [Footnote:His stepsister.]! and ye lovers of horseflesh, how you would havepraised and petted this animal had you ridden him; pitch dark on myreturn, nearly perpendicular flights of stone and not a false step!Excellent beast, your master the Pacha knows your value. I got backabout 10 P.M. wet through nearly—the Pacha's cloak served me wellthough. The tent of Osman Bey received me and we found some excellentrum to season my sherbet with. The next day about one o'clock westarted on horse-back to attack the strong position of Gambus, tworegiments of regulars, 1000 each, had gone on in the morning. My objectin going with the Turks was a mixed one, curiosity and hope of doingsome good in preventing bloodshed. But there was no need for anypersonage of that humane disposition, the Greeks themselves were sofull of humanity that they decamped bag, baggage, and colours a quarterof an hour before the leading Albanians entered the place of Cambus. Ishall only remark that it stood on the top of a mountain; only to bereached by the most narrow and difficult passes, and had the Greeksintended to fight at all, they never could have had a betteropportunity.

'The day after I left Canea in a small boat I had hired to take me toKarabusa. It was a fine calm morning, but when we had gone about twomiles along shore a very heavy gale came on, our sails were blown awayand with great difficulty we reached Cape Spada, rowing for two hourswithin fifty yards of the shore, and could not reach it. We lay in alevel with a rocky headland this night with but little to eat. The nextday we tried to get round Cape Spada but could not; the wind thenshifted to the northward and blew a hard gale. We were now wreckedamong the breakers at the bottom of the bay of Gonia. Thank God Ireached the dry land and was well taken care of at the monastery. ThereI found Chrisophopulos and Vanilikeli, who escorted me to Castelli andfrom thence to Karabusa.

'December 12.—At Canea. Find the Greeks here well contented with the
Turks. No taxes or impositions get laid on, in fact at present the
Greeks are better off than the Turks. The Spakiotes have not all
submitted. Three Spakiotes taken prisoners with their arms are made
Primates of their respective villages and members of the Council.

'December 13.—Left the ship in the cutter, in company with SignorCapogropo and Mons. Corporal. Landed at Celivez, a surf on the beach,all got wet, it was sauve qui peut and we left our cloaks behind us,which to people on the point of bivouacking for the night was notreally pleasant. But Signor Capogropo, though eighty-two years of age,seemed to make so light of the matter that it was out of the questionto complain. Here we found horses sent for us to the camp, where Iarrived about ten o'clock having passed through a rich and beautifulcountry to the village which, like all in Candia, gives a good idea ofthe ravages of civil war. Here I found the Pacha and Osman Bey hadestablished their head-quarters. I was treated like a Pacha, boysattended to wait on me with pipes, coffee, a barber, &c. I made mytoilet in the morning attended by seven or eight servants. Nothing canbe better than the manner in which these chiefs are conducting affairsin this country.

'June 2, 1831.—Left Malta for England, left my ship in Malta harbourin the hands of new officers. Poor Alligator, I did not know I had somuch of the love of ships, no not ships, I knew that, but of men, inme. I could have kissed every man jack of them to death—and have criedover every blue jacket on parting, and my dear Mids, they I believedwere surprised; they did not think I cared so much about them till Itook leave of them.

'My loss is great. God's Will be done. God only knows whether I shallreturn to my ship again, but I think I have love enough for her to makeit no difficult task on my part.

'Nine o'clock at night, blowing strong from the N.W. course in thedirtiest steamboat I ever was in, nevertheless she wears a pendant.

'June 23.—Foul wind—cold dark day—making little progress, that is100 miles a day. What a change in seamen's distances, 100 miles a day,right in the wind's eye, and call that doing ill. What would Benbow sayif one could tell him that? I will tell you, "You lubberly dog, youlie."

'Nevertheless I go fast towards home or—God knows what! What part inthe play am I to act, I wish my mind was made up on this cursed Reformquestion. It will be carried, but I should like to do what I thinkright and honourable towards myself, that is act and vote as I reallythink. We must become republican England as well as republican France(damn France, she is the root of all evil and the branch of no good).It matters little how; whether by Reform which will produce nationalbankruptcy, or by a starving population which will produce rebellionand civil war. Reform certainly means No taxes and cheap bread. Havebeen reading Moore's Byron. Poor Byron, quite what I believe him to bein many things and more than I believe him to be in others. I saw himat Missolonghi.

'June 6.—This day six years I was made a Post Captain, had my poorfather lived to-day he would have completed his sixty-third year.Strong winds and contrary—directly in our teeth. Nevertheless we makegood more than four miles per hour. Yesterday hove to under the lee ofGibraltar all day. I finished Byron's Memoirs by T. Moore. Manysentences in his latter letters from Missolonghi which he word for wordsaid to me when I saw him there. Our passengers are a gentleman in thegovernment of Corfu and a young officer of the Britannia said to bedying of a consumption—eats like the devil—very obstinate—will do ashe pleases, seems determined to do what is quite right—send the doctorto the devil. Learn that a horse power in steaming is 32,000 lbs.

'June 9.—Fell in with the St. Vincent bearing the Flag of E.A. SirH. Hotham on his way to relieve Sir P. Malcolm. Received letters frommy uncles, &c. &c. Melancholy enough and politically disagreeable.Shall rejoin my dear Alligator again. Nothing can be more kind thanthe conduct of the Admiralty. Allow ship to come home if I please, &c.&c.

'Steam boilers leak. Put fires out, lose seven hours—obliged to emptyboilers—the Devil and all! At least the men here are devilsincarnate—two of them entered the boilers and drove rivets with thethermometer 160 in there.

'Sir H. Hotham wrote me a kind note in answer to my request to allow
Hart to bring the ship home after me.

'June 20.—At sea hove to off the coast of Portugal in the steampacket. Sailed from Gibraltar (the 2nd time having put back once inconsequence of the coals being bad Welsh). On the 15th called at Cadiz.On the 16th went on shore, Consul B—y pompous, &c. Daughters, music,painting, &c. William the Conqueror, &c. &c. Last night the Jew groanedheavily in his sleep, woke him—he was dreaming of being robbed of hismoney.

'June 23.—Put into Vigo Bay for coals and left it in the evening ofthe 24th. Beautiful Bay, fresh day; St. John's market a beautifulsight, if fine women constituted that. The steamboat all day crowdedwith strangers. Heard that Don Pedros had left Brazil and been receivedin London.

'June 30.—Arrived in sight of Falmouth and anchored in 30 fm. havingburnt the guts and bulwarks to bring her thus far. Went to town thenext day by mail.'

CHAPTER VII

COURT DUTIES AND POLITICS. 1831-1847

On the voyage home from the Mediterranean in the steamship Meteor,which is described in the journal I have quoted in the last chapter, myfather received the sad news of the death of Sir Joseph Sydney Yorke,an event to which he makes no allusion in the journal. Admiral SirHenry Hotham, who had just been appointed to the command of theMediterranean station, and had sailed in the St. Vincent fromPortsmouth, was the bearer of a last letter written by Sir Joseph tohis son on the 3rd of April 1831. The St. Vincent met the Meteor atsea, and Sir Henry, in handing the letter to Captain Yorke, had also toannounce Sir Joseph's death, which occurred only two days after he hadfinished the letter. This letter was found among my father's papers,and I set it out at length; it is quite typical of others which displaythe affection which existed between father and son, and it shows veryconvincingly the success which attended Captain Yorke's career in theMediterranean. The circ*mstances of the accident in which Sir Josephlost his life appear, so far as they can be known, in a note to SirJoseph's letter written by my brother John, the late Earl of Hardwicke.[Footnote: He died from influenza, March 1909.] From this it will beseen that Sir Joseph was returning from a visit to the St. Vincent,which he had made in order to hand his letter to Sir Henry Hotham, whenhe met his death. It appears also from the annotation by my father thatSir Henry sailed without hearing of the accident, and only learned ofSir Joseph's death by subsequently reading a notice of it inGalignani's Messenger.

* * * * *

14 NEW BURLINGTON STREET, LONDON:

April 2, 1831.

'MY DEAREST CHARLES,

'Your last note to me enclosing your long recital of occurrences inCandia, addressed to your brother Henry, was duly received about amonth ago, and has made us all equally happy and highly interested inyour fortunate and successful mission. I proceeded to the Admiralty asyou desired, and looked over the whole of the correspondence there, andI was much struck with the encomiums passed on you by my friend SirPhilip Malcolm, and of the coincidence, of the Admiralty minute and allthe observations made by that chief, on your conduct. It runs thus,"acquaint Sir P. M. that their Lordships entirely concur with him inthe opinion he has formed of the conduct of Capt. Yorke during hisservice at Karabusa." I see by the United Service Journal, that yousailed for Smyrna on the 8th of January, two days after your letter tome, and that you were at that port on the 18th, of course thisacknowledgement of your correspondence will go by the Admiralty bag,but I doubt whether I shall save the packet. It will however beconveyed by your new Chief, Sir Henry Hotham, who is very desirous torender you all attention, for in a note I had from him, about a Middy Iasked him to take with him in the St. Vincent, he says, "had I beenable I would have fulfilled your wishes with much pleasure in thisinstance, as I shall have the pleasure in doing in regard to thecaptain of the Alligator, and if you have anything to send to him Iwill take the charge of it with pleasure." Thus you see, my dearCharles, that Sir Henry Hotham will be as much interested about you asany of his predecessors if you desire it, which I am sure you will.

'You may indeed say, or rather exclaim, What changes! The chances noware that our order in the State (to make use of Lord Grey's words abouthis own order), instead of being Lords of the Admiralty will be hewersof wood and drawers of water, that is, if the Reform Bill passes in itspresent shape. For it cannot be denied that it must give apreponderating bias to that class, namely the £10 householder, whichare by far the most numerous, active, and republican class, who byliving in towns, can be collected for any political purpose at amoment's notice; who are shopkeepers, citizens, manufacturers,possessing great intelligence and spirit, and whose business it will beto have the chief government, and bring down the interests of thefunds. This will, of course, straiten most severely all those who atpresent derive any income therefrom, and as the small sums into whichthe said funds are divided, are spread over a widely extendedpopulation of humble but respectable persons, it will totally ruin agreat many. However, there seems to be an opinion that the Bill will begreatly modified. For the sweeping away of sixty boroughs (amongstwhich Reigate goes at once) and taking one member from four more, is ameasure of such violent disruption, as to create a resistance that maybe fatal to the public peace of the country. Persons are much excitedall over the land, particularly the class of householders I havealready mentioned.

'With regard to foreign affairs, it appears still problematical whetherFrance will take part in defending by force of arms revolutionarymovements and doctrines in other countries than her own. You will ofcourse know pretty readily, how these matters are to go in the ItalianStates, or those of the Church.

'With respect to my family in domestic matters, we continue to remainwithout change, or much appearance thereof. Your brother Grantham,however, is rather an exception to this rule, for he has been so veryill of a rheumatic fever, that a great change has taken place in hisappearance. He is however considered convalescent, but up to yesterdayremained quite helpless. Eliot went yesterday to see him for the firsttime, and comes up to-day to dinner from Hampton Court Palace whereLady Montgomery, as you have heard, has apartments and where yourbrother and Emily his spouse have been residing for the last six orseven weeks. I have been also very much indisposed for the last threemonths, but have according to my own practice abstained from medicaladvice, and am now fast convalescing. It was a cough and of asthmatictendency which bothered me, off and on, for some time, and which I gotat Xmas attending the grand jury at Winchester on the SpecialCommission. But my own opinion is rather that at sixty-three age bringsabout such changes in one's bodily organs, as renders these attacksnecessary in order to hasten on the great events of life, namely, OldAge and Death.

'Lord Hardwicke is wonderfully well, your Uncle Charles but so so, LadyH. and Mrs. Charles Yorke and all their tribe very well. LadyClanricarde better than usual, not very strong, Henry fit for a monk inpoint of appearance. Eliot, for him very well, Grantham I havedescribed, and last and least A. Y. [Footnote: Agneta Yorke, his onlydaughter, afterwards Lady Agneta Bevan.] who is very well indeed,except when hot rooms and late hours come on, and then she is but so so.

'We always look out with very serious desire to hear from you, everypost, as you are an interesting object and rather a lion to be lookedat. But I am thankful to know you are well and busy, business generallymakes you well. I am going down for two or three days to Sydney Lodgeon some business—and I shall send this to Sir H. Hotham to take careof and forward. The whole of us here and elsewhere unite in every goodwish. For myself I can only say that you may rely on my regard andaffection and believe me always dear Charles, your affectionate Fatherand sincere friend,

'J. S. YORKE.'

Finished April 3, 1831.

'This was my dear father's last letter. He lost his life on the 5th,visiting the St. Vincent at Spithead, which ship had Lord Hotham'sflag bound for the Mediterranean. This letter was given to me at sea bySir H. Hotham on my way home, having read in Galignani my Father'sdeath.

'(Signed) H.'

* * * * *

The following note by my late brother gives all that is known of theaccident:

* * * * *

'I have no record of the accident that caused Sir Joseph Yorke's death,but I know he was in his small sailing yacht coming over fromPortsmouth with Captain Bradby and Captain Young and one or two men ofthe crew, when the boat was struck by a heavy squall in a thunderstormsomewhere off the Hamble river, and they are all supposed to have beenstruck by lightning. Sir Joseph's body was found floating, the boat waspicked up derelict in the West Channel. No one was left to tell thetale; the tablet in Hamble church, which is the only record I know ofit, merely states he was drowned by the upsetting of a boat. I believehe had a blue line going down his body, and the fact of his being foundfloating gives the impression that he was killed by lightning, as Isuppose all the other occupants shared the same fate.

'HARDWICKE'

SYDNEY LODGE, HAMBLE:

October 14, 1908.

* * * * *

I may perhaps add that on the day Sir Joseph Yorke was drowned, MissManningham, the sister of Mrs. Charles Yorke, was at one of the AncientMusic concerts in the Hanover Square Rooms, and during the performancefainted and was carried out. On coming to herself and being questionedas to the cause, she said she had seen before her the dripping form ofa man whose body was covered with a naval cloak, and although she couldnot see his face, she knew it to be the body of Sir Joseph Yorke. Therewere of course neither telegraph nor daily posts in those days, and thenews of his death only reached the family some two days later, when itwas found that the day and hour corresponded with the vision MissManningham had seen.

From certain remarks in his letters from Sweden it appears that CaptainYorke had long the intention of entering politics so soon as there wasany interruption of his active service at sea, and shortly after hisarrival in England in 1831, he carried out this intention by offeringhimself as candidate for Reigate, for which borough he duly took hisseat. In October of the same year, however, a vacancy occurred in therepresentation of Cambridgeshire upon the resignation of one of thesitting members, Lord F. G. Osborne. Captain Yorke at once decided tooffer himself as the representative of a county with which his familyhad been long and closely associated. His opponent was Mr. R. G.Townley, who was the Ministerial candidate and had the support of LordJohn Russell on his committee and at the hustings.

The politics of those strenuous times of the Reform Bill are wellknown, and need no more than a passing reference here. The electionbegan on October 27, only a little more than a fortnight after theMinisterial bill had been rejected by the House of Lords. It isneedless to say that Captain Yorke stood in the Tory interest. In hisaddress and speeches he expressed himself in favour of a moderatescheme of reform which would abolish such constituencies as were provedto be saleable and corrupt, and as ready to support a proper extensionof the franchise. But he refused altogether to sacrifice theagricultural interest to that of the manufacturer, and took his standupon the necessity of affording protection to the farmer by themaintenance of the existing Corn Laws. Lord John Russell declared thathe and his party had no objection to Captain Yorke as a man, butexhorted his hearers to bear in mind that this was no personal contest,but one which would decide the question of Reform or no Reform. Therewere the usual hearty proceedings which we associate with the electionsof that period at the hustings on Parker's Piece, Cambridge; CaptainYorke was escorted by a body of freeholders on horseback, and there wasthe customary cheerful fighting to celebrate the conclusion of thepoll. This resulted in the captain's defeat.

He was not long excluded from Parliament. Upon the passage of the greatReform Bill in the following year he was again nominated, and takinghis stand upon his old principles, and declaring himself resolutelyopposed to the poisonous and revolutionary ideas which France waspromulgating in Europe, he was returned by a large majority and tookhis seat in the first reformed Parliament, where he represented hiscounty until called to the House of Lords by the death of his uncle.

Meanwhile, Captain Yorke had been most happily married on October 18,1833, at Ravensworth Castle, Durham, to the Hon. Susan Liddell,daughter of the first Lord Ravensworth, and sister to the Countess ofMulgrave, Viscountess Barrington, Lady Williamson, Mrs. Trotter, andthe Hon. Georgiana Liddell, afterwards Lady Bloomfield.

By the death of the third Earl of Hardwicke on November 18, 1834,Captain Yorke succeeded to that earldom, to which he had long beenheir-presumptive. As already mentioned, the third earl's elder son,Viscount Royston, had been lost in a storm in the Baltic in 1808, andtwo younger sons had died in infancy. Captain Yorke therefore succeededto the estates in Cambridgeshire and to the historic mansion ofWimpole. These came into the possession of his family by purchase, theLord Chancellor having acquired them from Edward Lord Harley,afterwards Earl of Oxford, for £100,000. I print here a letterdescribing Wimpole in 1781, written by the Countess of St. Germans toher aunt Lady Beauchamp, [Footnote: Wife of Sir William Beauchamp ofLangley Park, Norfolk, sister of Mrs. Charles Yorke.] as illustratinglife at a country house at that period.

* * * * *

'MY DEAR AUNT (writes Lady St. Germans from 'Wimple' October 1781), Wecame to this place last Monday about half-past three o'clock; just timeenough for dinner and found all the good family in perfect health. LadyBell Polwarth is now here, also my brothers. P. Y. had been herebefore, Charles came yesterday on purpose to meet Mama, and goes awayagain to-morrow. He is not at all the worse for his journey but looksremarkably well. Here is likewise an unhappy victim of a clergyman on avisit. His name is Rouse and he is minister of some place near Wrest.This is the society here at present, and now I shall tell you of ourjourney, and how I like the place. Mama had desired my brother Phil ashe passed through Hertford to order four horses to come to Tytten aftersix o'clock and four more to be ready at the Inn to change, but knowingthe forgetfulness of the young gentleman, Mama and I were in a peck oftroubles lest he should forget the horses, and then we could not havegone. However, they did come, and at eleven o'clock after variousdirections and orders given we packed off and got to Hertford safely.Changed horses without alighting and proceeded to Buntingford, where wechanged again. As we passed by Hammells we saw the new Lodges which arebuilt at the entrance of the Park, and look very pretty; at presentthey are only brick, but are to be painted white. When we enteredCambridgeshire, I confess I was not struck with the beauties of thecountry, but thought it very ugly, disagreeable, and uninteresting.However, when we approached the environs of Wimple, I was in somemeasure repaid by the delightful appearance of the Park and countryround it, for the ugliness of that we had passed through. I assure youI was very much pleased with the beauty of the grounds and the grandeurof the house itself. Most part of it is furnished in the old style, asfor example, Mama's and my apartment are brown wainscots, and thebed-curtains and hangings are crimson damask laced with gold mostdreadfully tarnished. The rooms below stairs are excellent, and veryhandsomely furnished. Lady Grey, the Marchioness, has just fitted upsome new apartments, that are beautiful, particularly the newdining-room which is very elegant indeed. Her Ladyship was so kind asto take us yesterday morning to see the new park building, which isvery pretty. It commands a very fine and extensive prospect and is seenat a great distance. I have not yet seen the ruined tower which I canbehold from my window. Everything here is quite new to me, as though Ihad never seen it before, for you know it is at least seven years agosince my brother drove us over at full gallop, all the way fromHammells. The State Bed, which you may remember stood below stairs, isnow moved upwards into one of the new rooms. The paper with which thewalls are covered is common and white to match the bed, and there aretwo dressing-rooms belonging to it. In short, I like the placeexceedingly. Lady Grey is very kind to me, and I am much obliged to herfor permitting me to come. One thing here, however, is disagreeable tome as I have never been used to it, and that is, the sitting so longafter breakfast and dinner. We breakfast at ten o'clock and sit tilltwelve. Then if the weather is fine, which it is not to-day, we take awalk, if not, retire to our own apartments. From half-past two tillfour is spent in dressing. From four till past six at dinner. Thencoffee, afterwards working, looking at prints, talking and preachingtill ten. Then I go to bed, and supper is announced. Everybody is inbed at eleven; before breakfast Mama and I have some little time, as weget up at eight. I always take a walk in the garden before breakfast.Before that time everyone but Lady Grey and my Lord go into theLibrary, which is a noble apartment.

'My brother has come home delighted with having found in Ireland a hardname to puzzle everybody to death with. This was the name of a younglady at Limerick, not more than 6 foot 4 inches without her shoes. Whatdo you think of Miss Helena Macgillokilycuddy? This name is always inhis mouth, but I believe he has added four syllables to the real word.As to Charles, he was charmed and captivated with another young lady atLimerick, a Miss Fitzgerald, whom he danced with and thought the mostamiable of the company. In short, they are much pleased with theirjourney, and are ready to break a lance with anyone in favour of theIrish. I must not forget to tell you that they ran away from Dublinwith two new coats, without ever paying for them. I have no news tosend you.'

* * * * *

Lady Grey mentioned in this letter married the second Lord Hardwicke,who had no son.

There is an interesting allusion to Wimpole and its associations in oneof Lord Melbourne's published letters to Queen Victoria. After givingHer Majesty some particulars of the place, and mentioning incidentallythat he was 'very partial to Lord Hardwicke,' Lord Melbourne says:

'The cultured but indolent Lord Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, hadmarried Lady Henrietta Cavendish Holles, who brought him £500,000, mostof which he dissipated. Their only child Margaret, "the noble, lovelylittle Peggy" of Prior, married William Bentinck, second Duke ofPortland. Lady Oxford sold to the nation the Harleian Collection ofManuscripts, now in the British Museum (to hold which the gallery atWimpole was built). There is much history and more poetry connectedwith it. Prior mentions it repeatedly, and always calls the first LadyHarley, daughter of the Duke of Newcastle, "Belphebe." If Hardwickeshould have a daughter he should christen her "Belphebe." The LadyBelphebe Yorke would not sound ill.'

Thus Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria. I may perhaps add that my fatherhad three daughters, but it did not occur to him to give either of themthat name. Prior died at Wimpole in 1721, and his portrait was hung inthe library, and on the table are framed the following lines by thepoet:

'Fame counting thy books, my dear Harley,
shall tell
No man had so many who knew them so well.'

At Wimpole accordingly my father, after an active life at sea which hadcontinued with scarce an interruption for sixteen years, settled to thequieter life of a country gentleman; he was a good agriculturist,identifying himself with all the interests of the land, and resolutelyopposing any changes which he considered detrimental to the prosperityof the country. I should add that he became a successful breeder ofshorthorns, and that he was President of the Royal Agricultural Societyin 1845, when the show was held at Derby.

In 1834 he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Cambridgeshire. Sir RobertPeel recommended his name to King William, as he explained in a letterto Lord Hardwicke, as an exception to the rule 'which disinclines theminister to continue a member of the same family in succession in theoffice of Lord-Lieutenant of a county … a rule by which in ordinarycases I should wish to abide, but not for the purpose of depriving meof the real satisfaction of making an exception in the case of thepresent vacancy in the county of Cambridgeshire, and naming you to HisMajesty, which I have done this day for the appointment ofLord-Lieutenant.' Upon the return of Sir Robert Peel to power in 1841,Lord Hardwicke's great influence and loyal principles were recognisedby his appointment as Lord-in-Waiting to Her Majesty Queen Victoria.

It was in that capacity that my father was appointed to attend KingFrederick William IV of Prussia, the elder brother of the EmperorWilliam I, upon his visit to England in the early months of 1842. Aninteresting letter from Mr. John Wilson Croker to my father shows thatLord Hardwicke took pains to inform himself as to the character andtastes of his Prussian Majesty before entering upon his period ofwaiting. Mr. Croker was staying with Sir Robert Peel, where theminister was entertaining the Duke of Cambridge:

'I have as I promised you' he writes, 'turned the conversation on thesubject of the K. of Prussia, and as the Duke of Cambridge happens tobe here, we have heard a good deal on the subject of H.M. The sum isthat H.M. is a good and enlightened man, well read in books and wellversed in current literature and affairs; a Christian in heart andrather fond of theology, so much so, that he has read twice over, theysaid, Gladstone's book on the Church.

'I am not surprised at the "twice over," if H.M. really wished tounderstand the author. I found that one reading left me as much in thedark as I was at the first, and I only doubt whether a second perusalwould have made me any wiser.'

As illustrating the King's religious feeling I may mention that amongHis Majesty's experiences with Lord Hardwicke was a visit they madetogether to Newgate, where they were present in the chapel at a serviceElizabeth Fry was holding for the prisoners. The King knelt and wasdeeply affected, and my father always described the scene as 'deeplytouching' and said that he left the prison with an ideal memory of thatgreat and holy woman.

The King of Prussia became much attached to Lord Hardwicke during thisvisit to England, and made him promise a return visit to Prussia. Thistook place in June of the same year, when my father went to Berlin andaccompanied the King on a visit he made to the Czar Nicholas at St.Petersburg. My father wrote a series of letters to my mother while uponthis journey, describing much that he saw and did, and as these givemany interesting particulars of the Czar and his Court, and describesome of the old towns in North Germany in a way which may tempt many awanderer to visit some of them even to-day, I here print some extractsfrom them.

The first of these is dated June 20, 1842, from Hamburg, where myfather was detained by a short illness, during which he had the help ofMr. Schetky, the marine painter to Queen Victoria, whose acquaintancehe had made years before at the Naval College at Portsmouth. It givessome interesting particulars of the great fire which raged in that cityon May 4, 1842, and two days following, and destroyed 2000dwelling-houses as well as many churches and public buildings.

* * * * *

'I send you some little sketches of parts of the dilapidated townshowing the ruins of the great church of Saint Peter. The history ofthe fire is told in a few words; no one knows how it began, the want oforder, power, and a commanding head was the cause of the greatdevastation … the mob said "in a free town we can do what we like."They pumped spirits from the engines instead of water by mistake, andthus a scene of devastation and plunder was begun which ceased onlyfrom the exhaustion of the people and a shift of the wind.

'Then came in some troops from Prussia and Denmark, and order wasrestored. The number of lives lost is not known, but not above twohundred it is believed.

'As you well know, Hamburg is a free town and a republic of itself,governed by the Burgomaster and a senate. It is one of the threeremaining Hanse towns…. The loss suffered here is to be now stated,it is fairly computed at 12,000,000 pounds sterling; of this 8,000,000falls on individuals and foreign and British insurance offices;4,000,000 on the city of Hamburg. The foreign insurance offices havepaid very well; the Hamburg, that is the individual who had such anoffice, is ruined and can pay nothing; the city of Hamburg will borrow4,000,000, and raise the interest by a tax on the houses of the citythroughout. The cause of this is that Hamburg allowed no foreigninsurance to be made for a house, but the whole city is an insuranceoffice against the destruction of a house by fire. What the housecontains as furniture, &c., the city has nothing to do with. So eachindividual will receive for his house destroyed by fire its value fromthe city, but he will be taxed to pay the interests of the money. Thismay not be quite clear, it requires rather more words to make it so. Ihope to find a letter from you in Berlin.—Yours,

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

The next letter was written from Berlin.

* * * * *

'I arrived here this morning at four o'clock from Hamburg to
Boitzenburg, where we slept.

'I went down to the King (at Sans Souci) by railroad; he was at dinner,I got some brought to me by his old servant. The King soon came out ofhis dining-room to me and gave me a most hearty welcome, and took meinto the garden, where all the court ladies and gentlemen weregathered; presented me to the Queen, both asked after and about you andwere very kind. I can hardly say how much interest I felt in being fora few moments at Sans Souci again; it is a most beautiful place. It iswonderful to think of its creation, but there will be speedy decay anddissolution, if it is not ere long repaired. The Palace is small, andnot worthy the name of a Palace, but beautiful. I am not expected toremain long I think, from what I gather.

'As I was staring about the town yesterday evening after my return fromSans Souci, I was tapped on the shoulder and informed that the Kingdesired that I would come to sup with him at nine, so as it was halfpast eight, off I went to dress. By the by I did not tell you thatafter our dinner at Sans Souci the whole Court moved up to Berlin byrailroad, thus I was at the Palace at nine. The supper was served atsix small tables, without any covering, the plate and glasses standingon the mahogany. At one table sat the King and Queen, the Princess ofPrussia and the Duke of Brunswick; the rest of the party and hishousehold were at the other tables. A seat of honour was kept for me bythe great lady of the Court, but I had already found myself seated by amaid of honour whose sweet smiles had attracted me and I did not thinkit worth while to move. You need not be alarmed, for the stock ofbeauty here is small. The King and Queen both crossed to speak with mebefore and after supper, and on taking leave for the night the Kingkindly shook me by the hand. The King is gone, he visits some of hisprovincial towns on his way, and takes no one with him but oneAide-de-camp and no escort. I go tomorrow in my own carriage, thankGod; a route is given me, a number painted on the carriage, and allpaid, so I go like the devil without anything to pay. I shall be atDantzic before the King.

'The road from Hamburg to Berlin lies through a portion of the Danishterritory and the territory of the grand Duke of Mecklenburg Schwerinand the Prussian, the whole way the country is cultivated, the Danishterritory of Holstein is sandy and little done with it. That of M.Schwerin is of a better quality, though what we should call moderatesoil but very fairly cultivated. I never saw better farming in my life,or a country more cared for, the crops looked well and not a weed to beseen, the road-side planted, and every tree that was young staked andtied, the side of the roads mowed and trimmed, and stone gutter on eachside of a fairly macadamized road. I felt humbled after my boastingthoughts of England, as this pattern they have no doubt followed, butthe Prince of Mecklenburg Schwerin deserves well of his people for hissuperior copy. The people are well clothed, and I have not been askedfor a farthing since I came to this country.

'Then in Prussia on crossing the frontier the authorities were mostcivil, cast an eye at the carriage, made a bow, and would not look atan article; the regulations of Prussia are in all departments mostexcellent, and a painstaking discipline exists everywhere, which makesthe position of the traveller quite charming. Here only one side of theroad is macadamized, the other half is the soil, but the road is verywide, so down hill you take the soil, very safe. All through Prussia,as far as I have been, the farming is very good, the land very clean,but the soil very, very poor; it is a great desert in fact, madehabitable by the perseverance and industry of the people; round thistown it is wonderful to see what can be done by the hand of man. Thistown stands in a desert of driving sand, but the town has created asoil round it which is now pushing the desert back every year, and itis now in the centre of a large circle of fine green fields and cornlands; of course the produce is not great but the labour is small, andthe improvement progressing. The accommodation is very fair even to anEnglishman. The innkeepers are a very respectable class, and though Ihave not seen a bed that is larger than a child's crib withoutcurtains, yet they are clean, soft, and well made with lots of pillowsfor the head.

'Up to this time I have seen nothing but what I may call the outside ofBerlin, my impression is that on the whole it is a very fine city. Thepublic buildings are numerous. The architecture is fine, with more ofthe florid ornament than the style permits; much statuary and groupingof figures in marble and bronze. Streets wide, buildings low and large;but more of this bye and bye.

'My friend Schetky has been very useful to me in killing much "ennui"and comforting me when sick. He is an extraordinary fellow,sixty-three, with the spirits and fun of a boy, and the appetite of ahorse. He is bent on going to Dantzig, so puts himself into themail-post or public conveyance. He thinks he can make a picture[Footnote: Now at Sydney Lodge.] of the King's embarkation; I hope hemay succeed, for he is a worthy soul.

'I have passed my morning in the museum of statues and pictures. Themuseum was founded in 1830 from designs by Schinkel; it is pure GreekDoric (I don't like it), a double column façade, up a great flight ofsteps; before the entrance stands a basin of polished red granitetwenty-two feet in diameter, one block; it was a boulder that laythirty miles from Berlin called the Markgrafenstein, it lay at a placecalled Fürstenwald.

'The collection of the museum consists of vases and bronzes, sculptureand pictures. My view was so very cursory, and without a catalogue,that I must not say much about it. It is very large and the statues aremostly antique, and I should say fine. The pictures are numerous andmany very fine, but on the whole the collection I should say was notfirst rate, indeed if it were it would be the finest in the world fromits number.

'There is a very curious collection of very old church pictures by veryancient masters of the art, but the Italian school of its best day is,I think, small, as well as the Dutch. But I must not be supposed togive judgment on the gallery, I must have a long day at it on myreturn, and another some day with you, my love.

'I find that I am not even to pay for a potato on my journey, my beds,breakfasts, dinners, horses are everywhere ordered. And apartments wereready for me at Sans Souci, had I arrived sooner, and this morning Iwas ordered to the Palace for to-day and to-night, but I begged off,the Hof-Marshall not thinking my rooms here good enough; surely this isenough honour. But it is given to the Queen's servant, to anEnglishman, and not to myself, so I do not take it all. I dine withWestmorland to-day at five.

'Your devoted,

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

KONITZ: June 25, 1842.

'I have arrived at the end of my second day's journey towards Dantzig,where I meet the King, who went by another road for the purpose ofpaying a visit to the frontier town of Posen, where he was to beentertained by the inhabitants. As I told you, I had a route given meand thus far am I advanced, post horses standing ready at each station,the authorities waiting on me and showing me every attention that aPacha might require. I must say more could not be done to make all mostagreeable to me, I have come 100 miles in twelve hours on the mostexcellent road without a jolt, very good accommodation and eating.'

* * * * *

DANTZIG: June 26.

'I am safe and sound at the ancient Port of Dantzig, the corn exportingplace, the terror of English farmers. I found that I was quartered onarrival at the English Consul's, where I have an excellent apartmentand was most kindly received by him and his family, the lady being aPrussian, and from what I have seen of her a most excellent andcharming person.

'My journey to-day has been less agreeable than the two previous onesfrom heavy rain all day, country passed through of the same generalcharacter, the land improving in quality as we approach Dantzig.Between Konitz and (?) Pral Rittelm we cross a small stream called thePral, full of salmon and fine trout. I thought of my absent fishingtackle, but it is better I had it not, as I should have got wet to acertainty, but I mark him for some other day.

'The country is a Catholic country, wooden images of the crucifiedSaviour on the road-sides, and the greater part of cottages here builtof timber log, and the people in an inferior condition.

'As soon as I had dined with the Consul I took my way to the shore ofthe Vistula. The sight of its banks was to me most interesting, coveredwith sheaves of wheat covering acres of ground, while the river iscovered with rafts of timber and large boats built for the voyage down,but being broken up for fire wood as soon as the cargo of wheat islanded. Here the grain remains till sold to the merchant, when it iscarried to the granaries in the town, or rather to an island in themiddle of the town called Speicher Insel. On this island there is noother building but granaries. The corn contained is 500,000 or 600,000qrs. of wheat. On a fine day on the shore of the river are to be seenthe figures of two hundred men and women, Poles, working the wheat byturning it over and over with shovels till it is dry, as the voyagedown the river is sometimes five or six weeks, and the corn heats andgrows; thus it requires much turning on its arrival.

'The Poles who come down with it, are the most savage and uncouthlooking people I ever saw, excepting Finns and Esquimaux; indeed, theyare very like them. But their character here is that they are a mostinoffensive race, suffer much fatigue and privation, and gain butlittle by their voyage. They are in the hands of Jewish supercargoes,one of which nation is to be seen in every regiment and in every boat.These poor people, after the cargo is sold, walk home again 600 or 700miles. Price of wheat on the shore 55s. per qr. That won't hurt us. TheKing is expected tomorrow late in the evening. Good-night.

'Monday night, ten o'clock.—The day is past and I have returned forthe night. The King arrived at six o'clock, I waited on him directly hewas in the room; he had me to dine with him, and seated me next him attable. The Prince Menschikoff, the head of the Russian Navy, was there;he has come to take the King to Russia with two steam ships.

'I visited to-day the lions of Dantzig—the Exchange, the Cathedral,and the Armoury. The Exchange is a most curious building of greatantiquity, and the hall is certainly the most curious and grotesqueroom in the world. The walls are covered with large pictures and woodenstatues painted in colour. It is a Gothic edifice built in 1379, andthe roof of the hall is supported by four slender pillars. The mostsingular picture on the wall is a representation of the church underthe form of a ship sailing to heaven full of monks, who are throwingout ropes and hooks to haul on board a few miserable sinners, who butfor this timely assistance would be drowned.

'In front of the building is a fine fountain ornamented with a bronzefigure of Neptune drawn by sea-horses. The whole effect of the hall ismost curious and beautiful. Near this building is the Town Hall, inwhich is the room in which the old Senate, now the Corporation, sit.Its beauty is difficult to describe, the ceiling is richly carved inwood, in each compartment is a fine and brilliant picture by some oldmaster.

'The church, of which I send a sketch, is one of the most curious inEurope; the Lutherans have preserved it exactly as it was; rich to adegree in painting, sculpture, and brass, though not of the highestorder, yet, to the eye, rich in effect. The two great objects in it area picture by Van Eyck, and a crucified Saviour in wood as large aslife. It is called the "Marien Kirche," and was begun in 1343 by thegrand master of the Teutonic Knights. The architect was Ulric Ritter ofStrasburg. The vaulted roof is supported by twenty-six slender brickpillars, ninety-eight feet from the pavement; around the interior arefifty chapels, originally founded by the chief citizens for theirfamilies. The great ornament is the picture by John Van Eyck known asthe Dantzig picture. It was painted for the Pope, and while on its wayto Rome was taken by pirates. It was retaken by a Dantzig vessel anddeposited in the cathedral, where it remained till 1807, when theFrench took the town and it was carried to Paris. On its return afterthe war, the King of Prussia wished to retain it in Berlin, and offeredthe town 40,000 dollars as a compensation, but they would not part withtheir picture. I think it a wonderful picture, it is as fresh as theday it was painted, and the colour bestowed on it is amazing; but, likeall this class of pictures, to me it is only wonderful.

'The Crucifix is fine, and the story goes that the artist crucified hisservant that he might make a good article.

'Fahrenheit, who invented the thermometer, was born here. The greatstreet of the town is the most beautiful I ever saw, the houses withthe gables to the street no two alike, richly ornamented with elaboratecornices and carving of figures and flowers. Flights of steps from thedoor, some projecting more than others into the street, some with stonerail, some iron, some brass. Most curious, antique, and beautiful. Itis a fine and interesting old town. So much for Dantzig.'

* * * * *

At the Entrance of the Gulf of Finland, on board the Emperor of
Russia's Steam Frigate Bogatir:

* * * * *

June 30, 1842.

'Since I despatched my letter from Dantzig I have made progress thusfar towards my ultimate and extreme point, and to-morrow evening Iexpect to be safe under the roof of the Emperor of all the Russias. Iclosed my letter to you on the 27th, and I shall resume the thread ofmy story from that time. At nine o'clock on the 28th the King reviewedthe Garrison of Dantzig, a small army of about 2000 men, consisting oftwo regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and eight guns. Iaccompanied him on horseback; the turn-out was very good indeed, themen small but healthy and active, and moved very well, in all pointsextremely well equipped. Afterwards His Majesty drove about the townand visited everything, not only the public buildings that I havedescribed to you, but also wherever a bit of old carving, or oldwardrobe, or the façade of a house that was curious was to be found,there he paid a visit. He gave a great dinner at two o'clock to 100 ofhis chief people and officers. During the repast a regiment of infantrysang national songs in parts most beautifully, the choruses, with 800or 1000 voices, very fine. We embarked at seven in a small steam boatwhich took us down the Vistula and aboard the frigate. Throughout theday I have been struck with the position of this Monarch and his people.

'No guards, no escorts, not even a guard of honour or police, allaffection and order. He walked about amongst thousands of his people,like a father among his loving children. He was remarkably wellreceived everywhere and it made him very happy. He is very familiarwith his officers, and talks to his servants with kindness and goodhumour, frequently making them laugh and laughing in return. In short,I am much struck with the difference of forms in the constitutional anddespotic country, and with the pomp of the former and familiarity andfreedom of the latter. In parting with his officers he pressed many ofthem with warmth and affection to his heart.

'The two Russian steam ships that convey us to St. Petersburg are veryfine vessels, the one we are on board of is the smallest of the two,being about 1000 tons and 200 horse power, the other 1800 tons with 600horse power. This vessel, the Bogatir, is superbly fitted and quiteequal in all points to any I have seen in England.

'July 1 (Friday, 5 P.M.).—I was obliged to leave this scrawl of mineyesterday, for really what with the engine, the eating and the talking,I could do little in the way of writing; moreover, I have had no bed,though a very good cabin, but have slept three nights in my clothes onthe sofa. Well here I am well lodged with a suite of apartments in thePalace of Peterhoff with the Emperor and the Court. It has been a dayof great interest, and ought to have been one of excitement, but I findthat nothing of this sort excites me; so much the better, I can profitmore, though I do not enjoy so much.

'This morning at four o'clock I was on deck and we passed a division ofthe Russian Fleet under sail, one three-decker and eight two-deckers of80 and 74 guns, four frigates, two corvettes, and three or four brigs;the line-of-battle ships formed the line of battle on the larboard tackand bore up with us, but the wind being light they did not keep long incompany. At equal distance were placed, for the purpose ofcommunication by signal, vessels of war, frigates, and brigs, who gavethe Emperor early information of our approach. Of course we wereeverywhere received with a cannonade from every vessel.

'On approaching Cronstadt the Emperor, Empress, and all the Court cameout to meet us in a steam yacht; there was also on board the Prince ofthe Netherlands and his Princess. At Cronstadt another division of theFleet was at anchor, nine sail of the line and six or seven frigates.Of the Fleet I shall speak another time.

'After passing the batteries at Cronstadt we anchored, and the Emperorpushed off in a boat from his yacht and fetched the King, his suitewent on board in another boat. The meeting between the King and theImperial family was most affectionate, and after the hurry andexcitement of this event had subsided, I was presented by the King tothe Emperor.

'You cannot conceive anything more frank, noble, open, and kind, thanthe bearing of this great man, he put me at once at my ease, and talkedto me both in French and English, on such commonplace matters as bestsuited the occasion.

'He then presented me to the Empress, her manner was most kind andgentle, but her beauty is gone, and she looks very thin. Luncheon wasserved on deck, the Imperial family and the King at one table, as theysat down the Emperor called out "Lord Hardwicke these are my daughters,they speak English." I of course went off to the two most lovely women,Olga and Alexandrina, most charming in every way, their beauty issurpassed by their sweetness of manner and address. An old lady of thecourt took me under her protection during luncheon, but I have not yetfound out who she is. After luncheon the yacht which had anchored gotunder way and stood over from the roads of Cronstadt to Peterhoff,accompanied by six sail of small ships. The Emperor came up to me andpointing to them he said, "These are my boys," explaining that theywere the pupils for the navy under his own eye. They live on boardthese six vessels during summer and are always at work. Two little boyswere on deck in uniform, and I said, "And these are yours, are theynot?" The Empress was standing by and the Emperor replied in English,"Yes, they are our own fabrique, are they not, Madame Nicolas?" placinghis large hand all over her face, she rejoined in Russian, "How you dotalk." This made me laugh, and the Emperor and Empress did so in amanner that showed the joke was a good one. On landing, I, in companywith the Prussians, paid visits to the hereditary Grand Duke, to thePrince of Prussia, to the Grand Duke Michael and his duch*ess, a mostcharming person, and two or three officers of state. I should tell youthat on the reception of the King there is a Guard of Honour before thePalace of about 200 men, not more on the ground. I was struck with themanner of the Emperor; he ordered what words of command should begiven, and as they broke into sections to march before the King, theEmperor placed himself on the left of one of the companies, andmarching with them, saluted the King, and then fell out. The wholemanner of this man is most remarkable, and quite unlike anybody I eversaw.

'He is one of the finest and best-looking men in the world, and hisbearing corresponds. At four o'clock we went to dine, the Imperialfamily dine at the Palace of the Grand duch*ess Helena close by, and theCourt dined here in the Palace. I sat between Count Menschikoff, whom Ilike very much (he is, as I told you, the head of the Navy) and alittle Court lady from Moscow, who might fascinate easily a heart thatwas free. Dinner is over and I sit down to write this to you. As tomyself I am quite well, and shall profit all I can by this trip, but Ishall be heartily tired of it, I assure you; it is no joke. I would notbe tied to one of these Courts for all the world could give, it is sucha continued business of eating and dressing.

'I shall say nothing of Peterhoff or St. Petersburg, which I have notseen. I see before me in all directions from the windows frames of woodof enormous dimensions and various shapes for lighting up the gardensof the Palace on the night of the Fête, although there is no night, soit must be going through the forms of illumination only. However, weshall see when it takes place, no doubt it will be most magnificent.

'All about me is most strange, a mixture of East and West, such as canbe nowhere else seen: savage and civilised life is here blendedtogether, blackies and turbans and laced footmen all wait at tabletogether.'

* * * * *

PETERHOFF: July 2, 1842.

'I find myself most completely provided for here. I have asitting-room, bedroom, and servant's room with all comforts….

'I must now give you some description of this place, but shall waittill to-morrow that I may profit by my ride with the young ladies, whowill show me all the gardens.

'The Palace of Peterhoff with a front to the main building of 510 feet,is situated on the top of a terrace which runs to a certain distancealong the left or north bank of the mouth of the Neva oppositeCronstadt. The terrace overlooks the wide expanse of the Neva toCronstadt and St. Petersburg and far towards the sea; the distance fromthe terrace to the sea is about half a mile. This part is planted withtrees of various kinds, fir, elm, ash, common kinds, and havingattained no great size, about the size of thirty years' growth in atolerable soil in England—these are cut into avenues or vistas atright angles to one another, in which are statues, fountains, andcanals, and this at once gives you the character of the place. Ineither rode nor wrote yesterday evening, but fell asleep till I wascalled to dress at half-past eight. By the bye, I have dressed sixtimes to-day. I must leave my description of Peterhoff to be continuedtill another time, as I wish to relate to you what has passed heresince nine o'clock P.M. till this time. Your letter was delivered to meyesterday evening by one of the Emperor's aide-de-camps in the middleof a game of romps such as I've not enjoyed since I was a boy. At nineo'clock I was in the receptions room of the Palace according to orders,all the Court were assembled, but no strangers; the company mightamount to about sixty, the Emperor, Empress, the three Grand duch*esses,their daughters, the Czarewitch, the Prince of the Netherlands, andmany others, with the King of Prussia. After some little formality thedoors of a large apartment were thrown open, in which was no furniturebut a few chairs. In the room adjoining was a full band. The Empresssaid to me, "You must come with us and not play cards, we are going toplay some innocent games." All formality was now at an end, theImperial family joined with the Court and the game began. It was thegame with a rope, which I daresay you have seen. All take hold of itand one is in the middle, the one in the middle must strike the hand ofanyone holding the rope, who then takes his place in the middle. Ithink you must have seen this game, a very innocent one, and makes fun.After this had gone on for some time, the Emperor takes hold of thecord, pushed it and the company into a corner of the room, and the gamebecame more vivacious, and a general romp ensued, some fell, somerushed into the Emperor's arms, who stood like a colossus at the end ofthe room with open arms to receive those who sought shelter there. Thiscould be seen nowhere else. We then supped at round tables, the ladiessending for the gentlemen they chose to make the party. After supperthe Imperial family retired. It was a most delightful evening.

'Words cannot convey an idea of the affability and kindness, thesweetness and amiability of this great family. I shall put by my penjust now and write the details of the day to-night, if not too sleepy.But it is not a Sunday passed as it ought to be, though we have been tochurch.

'Monday, 10.30 A.M.—I am waiting for a message from the Emperor, whoyesterday told me that I was to go to Cronstadt with him this morning,and warning me at the same time that he would do all he could to tireme completely. We yesterday had a very hard day. At eleven o'clock wewent to the Greek chapel in the Palace, the whole Court attendingdivine service. Of the ceremonial of the Greek Church I shall only saythat its forms are in appearance more absurd than the Romish. The musicand chanting was most sublime and beautiful, nothing could exceed theexcellence of this performance. The chapel is small but highlydecorated in the interior with paintings of rather a high finish andgold, in the style of Louis XIV, though the form of the chapel does notmuch vary from the same date, yet its proportions do, for it is threetimes as lofty as its area is broad, with a domed ceiling. After churcha parade, here the Emperor and the King of Prussia played soldiers foran hour and a half. Suffice it to say, without relating all themarching and counter-marching of the troops, that the King of Prussia'sregiment (for he is a colonel in the Russian Army) was drawn up, theKing inspected the men and then put himself on the right of the line,the Emperor then went up to him and, taking him in his arms, kissedboth his cheeks, then the King marched past the Emperor at the head ofhis regiment. The Empress was on the ground.

'Monday.—I dined with the Royal Family, 150 sat down; we did not go to
Cronstadt to-day, I am not sorry, for it rained. The dinner was good
for a Russian and not long. The service on the table all china from
Berlin, given by Frederick the Great to Katharine.

'After dinner to the St. Peterburg Gate, about three miles off, where Ifound a horse ready for me to attend a review of the military cadets.It was a very interesting sight, 3000 boys in heavy marching order witheight guns, a small body of light horse, and a small body of CircassianHorse, forming a complete little army. Their marching and evolutionswere most excellent, no troops can move better than these boys. TheEmperor and his staff rode so as to cut the column off three times,then they passed in review three times before him, and were dismissed.As soon as they had time to disarm, the youths came rushing out in alldirections. The Emperor dismounted and was at once surrounded by them.He lifted one, took another in his arms, passed two or three under hislegs, and spoke with frankness and affection to all. The love andenthusiasm of these children for him is such as is found only in thebreast of youth, but must grow in time; and what a power this oneinstitution must give him. These boys are all of good family, and gofrom this training to the army as officers. After this, at nine, a ballat the Emperor's cottage.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke remained in St. Petersburg for a fortnight, leaving thatcity on the 13th of July for Memel, in attendance on the King ofPrussia, who was returning to Berlin by way of Silesia.

As long as he was in Russia at the Court of the Emperor Nicholas, heexperienced (as the foregoing letters show) the most generous, naylavish, hospitality. In this connection the following anecdote may berecorded. An allowance, consisting of one bottle of brandy and one ofchampagne, was placed on a tray in his room each morning. He rarelytouched it, but when at the end of his visit the servant in waitingbrought him a bill for the champagne, he sharply turned and said, 'Verywell, I shall show this bill to the Emperor myself,' at which theservant turned deadly pale and replied, 'I beg you will do no suchthing, or I shall certainly be sent to Siberia!'

* * * * *

MEMEL: July 18, 1842.

'This will be a short letter as the time passed since I wrote is small.We arrived here about noon to-day, having had a good passage and areall well. You will by this time feel that I am returning, and that myface is towards home. The King has pressed me to stay and go to theRhine with him, but I have decided the point, and have declined hisgreat kindness, thus I shall keep my word and hope to be at home again,at the time I stated.

'I believe I told you that the fête passed off well, our promenadeamongst the lamps in the garden was stupid enough. I tried to stir theMaids of Honour up a little, but it was hard work even to make themlaugh, and the people looked glum, being as it were a sort ofcontradiction to the illuminated garden. The last day was a day ofrepose. The next day being Saturday, the Imperial Family received us totake leave, and nothing could be more truly kind and affectionate inmanner than they all were to me. I say to me, for I know not what wassaid to others, but I have no doubt they were so to all the Prussians.The Emperor and Empress both gave me special messages to the Queen. Ithen, when the audience was over, drove to visit the Grand Duke Michaelat Orienbaum, about six miles from Peterhoff, an ancient palace, and avery fine one, I think. The Grand duch*ess Helena, his wife, is a mostcharming lady and very lovely; she took me all over the house, andshowed me how little by little she was making it comfortable.

'The Grand duch*ess Marie did not see me, and I was very sorry for it.At twelve o'clock the King and Emperor came on board the Bogatir andwe got under way immediately. At about one we passed Cronstadt; athalf-past one we had passed the last ship of the fleet. I was standingon the paddle-box near the Emperor and King, when on a rocket beingthrown up from the Bogatir, all the fleet, mounting 3500 pieces ofcannon, discharged all the guns at once, and the Emperor at the samemoment took the King in his arms and embraced him. This bit of stageeffect took me by surprise and affected me exceedingly; there wassomething very imposing and touching in this coup de théâtre and theKing was much affected. After this the boat was manned for the Emperorto depart, and he stood some time on deck without speaking, the Kingand all of us standing near him. I saw he was much moved. At last hepressed the King in his arms and kissed him; after he embraced thePrussians. When he came to me, he held out his hand; I gave him mineand bowed, but he said, "No, no; you must do so," and taking me roundthe neck kissed me most affectionately.

'I assure you it was a very striking scene and I shall never forget it;he was no more the Emperor, but a warm-hearted man. He was mostaffected at parting with the King, and this had softened him towardsall, and his heart was uppermost. I was glad to see him thus. I did notthink before he was a man of feeling, but he has a warm andaffectionate heart. I shall not easily forget this evening.

'Our voyage was too good a one to produce any anecdote worth relating.As I passed the bar I remembered that I was indebted to its brokenwaves for my present station. The King spoke to me of Royston's death;he was at Memel when it happened and remembered all the circ*mstancesof it. He knew Mrs. Potter very well. We start to-morrow on our way toSilesia, our first day's journey is to Tilsit….

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

ERDSMANSDORFF: July 27.

'I arrived here last night about six o'clock after a prosperous journeyof four days and one night from Königsberg, from which place my lastletter is dated. The Queen is just arrived, the King is expected aboutfour in the afternoon. From Memel to this place the whole country isflat and tame. Erdsmansdorff is situated at the foot of a largemountain that separates Silesia from Bohemia, called Riesengeberg,which means "Great Mountain"; the chief of the chain is opposite mywindows, the highest in Germany, being 4983 feet above the level of thesea. The outline of this chain is undulating but not bold. The valleyis lovely, and the King is building a house here; the grounds arepartially laid out, we are living in a building which will form a partof the offices of the new house. My apartment is on the ground floor,and the King and Queen are above me. The people are an industriousrace. Here is a colony of Tyrolese the King received and gave lands to;they were persecuted by the Catholics on the other side of themountains, and he said, "Come here, and I will give you rest." So herethey are 300, and have built themselves houses after the fashion oftheir country, which has much added to the beauty and picturesquenessof this land.

'I cannot say how well I am treated everywhere, you cannot conceive thecivility and attention that I have received from all and everyone, poorand rich, a proof how much the King is loved; for the poor know me asthe King's friend.

'I must now go back a little to Königsberg and say something of thePalace of that place. It is a most ancient structure of enormous size,being built round a quadrangle with round towers at the corners. It isnot beautiful, but ancient and large, towers above all other buildings,and stands on the edge of a hill that overlooks a great part of thetown.

'The town of Königsberg was once the capital of Prussia proper, and along time the residence of the electors of Brandenburg. It is the thirdcity in the Prussian dominions and contains 70,000 inhabitants. It isnot fortified, but is going to be.

'After the battle of Jena, the Royal Family of Prussia took shelter inthis town, the present King being then twelve years old. The Palace isnow chiefly used for provincial offices, and a suite of apartments iskept furnished for the King. There are some very ancient archives kepthere which must contain a fund of interest; I looked at several lettersfrom our Sovereigns both of the Plantagenet and Tudor line to theTeutonic Grand Masters, thanking them for falcons sent from Prussia.

'As I told you, I was to go in search of an elk and kill one if Icould. Accordingly I started at 3 P.M., accompanied by the master ofthe forest, to a forest about seven English miles from the town, andwithout making the story long, I had the good fortune to see, but notto kill, six of the enormous animals; only one passed within shot, andthis was a female with her calf. I was desired to fire at the calf, andI missed. I will not make the excuse that I might for so doing; my onlybag will distract Eliot when he hears it, a fox, on the death of whichall present raised their hats. It made me laugh and think of the oldproverb, "What's one man's meat…." I returned to Königsberg at 9.30and at 10 started for this place.

'I arrived at Marienberg at nine next morning, and stayed there an hourto see the Palace, and breakfast. The Palace is the most interestingbuilding in Prussia, and is very fine of its kind. The King, with hislove of architecture, has restored a great part of it, and will, bydegrees, restore the whole to its original state. This was the seat ofthe Knights of the Teutonic order, they, in fact, were the founders ofthe Prussian kingdom, after fifty-three years' struggle. The oldestpart of this Castle was built in 1276, the middle Castle in 1309. Therooms in the interior and the great hall are built in a singular way:the rooms are square, the hall is in three cubes. The ceiling of eachroom, which is arched, is supported by a single slender column ofgranite, in the centre hall by three columns in the same way.

'The King and Queen have arrived and dinner is over, they are both veryhappy and are gone to drive together quietly, and we shall not see themagain this evening. He has been through part of Poland, where hisreception has been most enthusiastic.'

* * * * *

ERDSMANSDORFF: 31st July.

'Here I have abode quietly with the King and Queen since I last wroteto you, and should have been quite content if I had only your companyin addition, but although all ought to be charming to me, yet the wantof employment or excitement after the first view of environs was overleads me to wish my stay shortened. I have, however, walked hard thoughnot far and looked about the country for fear I could not go, as thedinner-hour at three cuts the day in twain. Life has been quite devoidof form or uniform for all, even the King has been what is called hereen bourgeois. After dinner we usually drive to some hill or dale,some favourite haunt to take tea, returning late to supper and to bed.The Queen is a sweet woman, the very best of her sex, most plain,modest, and unaffected, but doing the Queen perfectly when necessary.Yesterday we had a full dress day at Fubach, the residence of theKing's uncle, Prince William. His daughter, about to be married to thePrince Royal of Bavaria, was confirmed in the parish Church. A greatexhibition. The church was crammed and the Princess at the altarunderwent a two hours' catechising and examination, which she bore withgreat talent and conduct. To-day she receives the sacrament. She is alovely girl of seventeen, and her future husband is the future King ofBavaria, a roué of 30. He was there, arrived the night before. Therewas a great gathering of the Prussian Royal Family, who live in thisvalley and neighbourhood….

'11 P.M.—I have just seen the King, and he has allowed me to goto-morrow morning, and meet him at Sans Souci on Saturday.'

* * * * *

BERLIN: 5 August.

'I arrived here yesterday at 6 P.M. by railroad from Dresden, havingquitted that town at 6 A.M.; a very good railroad and well conducted.On my arrival I was greeted by your letter of the 27th; a very goodcure for blue devils. The news you give me of all things at Wimpole isvery satisfactory. The offices in size and appearance of the east wingcorresponding with the library I was aware of, and I am of opinion thatit will not be noticeable to any degree, and if it is, can be easilyremedied when I build the conservatory. On the subject of chimneys weshall agree.

'To-morrow I go to Sans Souci, the King arrives for dinner, andapartments are prepared there for me. Now my object will be to get awayfrom my kind and excellent friend, for I cannot find another word soproper, but I must at the same time consult his wishes.

'My journey from Erdsmansdorff to Dresden was very prosperous, thoughit rained all day. I found my horses ready and paid to the frontier ofSaxony, and no one would take money from me. I stopped at the residenceof General Bon-Natzmer for breakfast, he lives about sixteen miles fromErdsmansdorff, a very nice residence with pretty scenery, and his wifea perfect lady; they gave me an excellent English breakfast. I arrivedin Dresden, having been twenty hours performing the journey.

'I saw all that was worth seeing in Dresden, and well worth the journeyit was, if it had only been to look at the face of the Madonna di SanSisto, which I think surpasses anything I have seen in nature. It hasleft a deep remembrance on my mind, the copy here conveys only an ideaof the original. It lives and breathes, the eyes look as if moving, andit is perfectly true that I was riveted to the spot with wonder at theperformance of the beyond all famous master. If he had never paintedany picture but this, he must have died the greatest painter that everlived. After looking through this fine gallery I again returned to theMadonna, and feel now that I had not exaggerated to my own mind thewonder and power of this picture. The face of the child, too, carriesall that the strongest imagination can picture of wisdom and childishinnocence. I grieve to say this chef d'oeuvre is going to ruin. YourFather's copy is of great value, for it is excellent, nay wonderful,and will in fifty years be what the great picture now is, for much ofthe expression of the countenance is caused by the softness which timehas given to the tone of the picture. The Gallery wants weeding andrepairing, the pictures are going faster than they ought, and theeffect of the Gallery is injured by a quantity of inferior pictures andcopies. It now contains 2000 pictures, if it was reduced to 1500 itwould be more valuable. The museum of History is well worth a visit,the quantity of beautiful and valuable things here collected are mostinteresting, a suit of gold and silver armour by Benvenuto Celliniwould hold a high place in your estimation, a collection of variouscostumes within 150 years would amuse you.

'The great fair annually held here in August has just begun. I spent mytwo evenings in the booths, very idly, but very much to my amusem*nt. Idined with our minister, Mr. Forbes and his sisters, Lady Adelaide andLady Caroline, two ancient maids, old friends of mine twenty-four yearsago.

'The King and Royal Family are at the fair taking part in the games ofthe people, shooting with the cross-bow at the bird on the top of apole; large tents are pitched for their reception, and they spend theevening; the court ladies came the second evening. You would haveenjoyed it much. The Germans are a more rational people in thesematters than we are, the best society enjoy this fair, and sit outunder tents taking their coffee and meals and enjoying the sight withtheir families and wives. All the musicians from Bohemia, Tyrol andvarious other districts of Germany were here playing on variousinstruments and singing the national ballads. Two or three women takeharps like our Welsh harps, with the voices in parts, and sing togetherTyrolese and Bohemian songs. Perfect order, and I did not see oneperson drunk. Whatever may be the secret faults of the Germans they area decent and orderly people. The weather is very warm, the thermometereighty-four in the shade. I dined with Westmorland and drove out withhim in the evening, to-day I go to Sans Souci. I must be two days inLondon before I go to Wimpole.

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

SANS SOUCI: 6th August.

'My hope of being with you as soon as the 15th is at an end. It is withfeeling of the greatest sorrow that I feel I am compelled to make asacrifice of a few days and arrive later. This evening we all went,that is the King and Queen, and Prince Charles of Prussia with hiswife, to drink tea in one of the beautiful spots of this most lovelyplace. The King called me to his table. When we sat down he said,"Pray, when do you mean to leave me?" I said, "I intend to do the onlypainful thing I have done since I've been in Prussia, and that is toask His Majesty's permission to take my leave on Monday." He said, "Iwill not ask you to do what is contrary to your duty, but I must begyou to stay with me a little longer. I must ask you to remain with meat least till after the 15th." This was said in so kind a manner, withthe Queen looking me full in the face, that I at once said, "So muchhonour was done me by the desire expressed that I could not refuse."

'They both at once expressed most unfeigned pleasure, but it is asacrifice. I now leave Berlin on the 16th, and shall be in London onthe 21st, please God, without fail. You cannot conceive howaffectionately I am treated by this great family. I never have receivedso much real attention from out of my own family in my life. I feelsure you will approve of what I have done, and think after all thiskindness I was bound to make a sacrifice, if asked. The King said to meat supper this evening, "I cannot think what became of you one morningon board the steamer. I went three times to your cabin to look for you,and could not find you. I asked for you, and no one had seen you; andthen the horrid idea came over me that you had fallen overboard or wereill." I mention this to show the sort of feeling he must have for me. Ibelieve I was asleep on the sofa with a table before it, and he did notsee me, being very nearsighted. I am most charmingly lodged here, thewalls of my room are all marqueterie and they have put sofa and bed,&c., as the Chamberlain told me "like it is done at Windsor."'

It is clear from these letters that Lord Hardwicke's character andpersonality were much appreciated both by the King of Prussia and bythe Emperor Nicholas. He was indeed so great a favourite with thelatter that when the Emperor paid a visit to Queen Victoria in 1844 hewas appointed to attend His Majesty, and took command of the BlackEagle steam yacht which carried the Czar from Woolwich to Rotterdam onhis leaving this country. As a memento of this service and of hisesteem, the Emperor presented Lord Hardwicke with a snuff-box of greatvalue, bearing his Majesty's miniature mounted in brilliants.

In 1843 Lord Hardwicke had the honour of receiving Queen Victoria andthe Prince Consort at Wimpole, upon the occasion of the Prince's visitto Cambridge to receive the degree of LL.D., and the following mentionof the event occurs in one of the Queen's letters to the Queen of theBelgians:

'We returned on Saturday highly interested with our tour, though alittle done up. The Royal party went by road from Paddington toCambridge, and stayed at the Lodge at Trinity. On the following dayPrince Albert was made LL.D. The party then went to Wimpole. At theball which was given at Wimpole, there was a sofa covered with a pieceof drapery given by Louis XIV. to the poet Prior and by him to LordOxford, the owner of Wimpole before its purchase by Lord ChancellorHardwicke.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke rode out to meet her Majesty at Royston at the head of alarge cavalcade which included the gentry and yeomanry of the county.After an inspection of that little town, the party started for Wimpole,and on arriving at the House in the Fields the Queen's escort of ScotsGreys filed off at Lord Hardwicke's request, their places being takenby a troop of the Whittlesea Yeomanry Cavalry, the Lord-Lieutenantroundly declaring that 'the county cavalry was well able to guard herMajesty so long as she might stay in Cambridgeshire.' On the followingday Lord Hardwicke gave a dinner in honour of her Majesty, followed bya ball, of which the Queen makes mention in her letter, to which threehundred guests were invited.

I may perhaps print here another reference by Queen Victoria to myfather. Writing to Lord Melbourne in 1842 her Majesty said:

'Lord Hardwicke the Queen likes very much; he seems so straightforward.He took the greatest care of the Queen when on board ship. Was not hisfather drowned at Spithead or Portsmouth?'

Lord Hardwicke, as commander of the Black Eagle yacht, had taken her
Majesty to Scotland.

He was in waiting during a visit of the King and Queen of the Belgiansto Windsor, and wrote on that occasion to my mother:

'Our Court news is not filled with much interest; to-morrow the Kingand Queen of the Belgians go back to their own country, and yesterdayat dinner the Queen of the Belgians told me her father (King LouisPhilippe) was so fond of English cheese that he had sent to her toprocure for him a "Single Gloster," I could not refrain from offering aWimpole cheese that she graciously accepted and which I must now begyou to give.'

I find a reference to this little incident in the Queen's Letters, vol.ii, p. 28. In a letter to her Majesty during King Louis Philippe'svisit in 1844, the Queen of the Belgians wrote:

'If by chance Lord Hardwicke was in waiting during my father's stay,you must kindly put my father in mind to thank him for the famouscheese, which arrived safely, and was found very good.'

Queen Victoria's conversation with my father upon this occasion I findrelated at length in a copy in my mother's handwriting of a letter hewrote to Sir Robert Peel. This letter is of so private a character asto preclude its publication, but I may say that it is clear that theQueen (though, as Lord Hardwicke says, 'in very good humour; I neversaw her so gracious to all as she was during her stay at Wimpole') wasstill quite ready to state in very plain terms her objection to certainpoints of the policy of the Tory party, which, as she said, she could'forgive but not forget.' All this Lord Hardwicke reported at length tothe Prime Minister for his information and instruction.

Several letters from Sir Robert to my father at this period show himvery anxious to learn from Lord Hardwicke the details of the properarrangements for receiving the Queen at Drayton Manor. 'I have theprospect,' he wrote, 'not only of one but two royal visits, for I mustarrange that Queen Adelaide should meet the Queen each with her severalsuites. If you have any device for making stone walls elastic,' he addshumorously, 'pray give it to me. Did Lord H. new furnish the roomsallotted to H.M.? How many apartments did H.M. require? Did he observeanything especially agreeable to the Queen's wishes, and did Lord H.attempt to keep any order among his mounted farmers, and if so how?'

Lord Hardwicke and his brother, Mr. Eliot Yorke, though both pledged tothe maintenance of the Corn Laws, refused to oppose the government ofSir Robert Peel upon the rumours of the minister's intentions whichbecame rife in the course of the year 1845, when the Irish Famineforced the question to the front. By that time the Anti-Corn Law Leaguehad done its work of educating the country, and under its greatleaders, Cobden and Bright, had organised a strenuous campaignthroughout the kingdom, collected large funds, and united the greatbody of employers and operatives in favour of Free Trade. There werecounter organisations of farmers' societies, of which those in theeastern counties were, perhaps, the most active, and at a meeting ofone of these, the Cambridge Agricultural Society, Lord Hardwicke andMr. Yorke met with some criticism. A letter from Lord Hardwicke to thechairman, however, made his position perfectly clear:

'I believe the meeting is intended to follow others that have takenplace in the agricultural districts of England, owing to certainreports of contemplated changes on the opening of Parliament affectingagriculture.

'I have endeavoured to learn what these are, and have failed; I haveheard various opinions, but no facts, and I have no knowledge of theintentions of the Government. I therefore feel, were I to attend yourmeeting, that I could give no advice, neither could I combat or supportany plans. I think it best to hear and know what is intended.'

Acting upon this determination, Lord Hardwicke waited for theannouncement of the Government policy. At the opening of the session of1846 Sir Robert Peel then made it clear, that as Lord John Russell hadbeen unable to form a ministry, he himself intended to propose theabandonment of the Corn Laws, and to follow this up by the gradualremoval of protective duties, not only upon agriculture, but also uponmanufactures, and thus to place himself in opposition to the sentimentand principles of the party of which he was the leader. Lord Hardwicke,as might have been expected, was among those 'men of metal and largeacred squires,' as Disraeli called them, 'the flower of that greatparty which had been so proud to follow one who had been so proud tolead them, whose loyalty was too severely tried by the conversion oftheir chief to the doctrines of Manchester,' and early in February hewrote to Sir Robert to resign his post as Lord-in-Waiting, on theground that as he could not support the measures of the Government andact up to his own opinion, he thought it not respectful to her Majestyto oppose her minister and hold an office in her household. Somecorrespondence followed, which shows the regret of Sir Robert Peel atthe loss of a friend and colleague, and testifies to the cordialpersonal relations between the minister and Lord Hardwicke. Here is oneof the letters, two or three of which were earnest attempts to persuadeLord Hardwicke to reconsider his decision:

* * * * *

'MY DEAR HARDWICKE,

'If anything could tend to diminish the pain with which I contemplateseparation from you in public life, it would be the kind terms withwhich you accompany your tender of resignation.

'I should indeed deeply regret it, if the termination of officialrelations were to cause any interruption of private friendship andregard.

'Most faithfully yours,

'My dear Hardwicke,

'ROBERT PEEL.'

* * * * *

So ended Lord Hardwicke's political connection with the great minister,and it is pleasant to me to know that the aspirations of Sir Robert'sletter were fulfilled, and that their personal friendship continuedunbroken until it was brought to a close by the tragic death of thestatesman on Constitution Hill in 1850. At a time when that same greatquestion of Free Trade or Protection is again dissolving many politicalalliances, it is, perhaps, worthy of mention that my father came tochange his view of the policy which had led to his political severancewith Sir Robert Peel. In a speech delivered at a meeting of the WesternCambridgeshire Agricultural Association in 1858, twelve years after hisresignation, he said:

'The last agricultural meeting I had the pleasure of attending was inthe golden days of protection, when we all thought we could not dowithout it. I am happy to find however, now that the legislature hasthought fit to abolish those fiscal duties, that I formed a wrongopinion on the subject.'

Meanwhile, however, Lord Hardwicke's political severance from his oldleader was complete and final, as appears very fully from letters fromsuch uncompromising opponents of the minister as Lord George Bentinck,Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. John Wilson Croker, which I find among hispapers. 'Pray come up and fire a double shotted broadside into thesefellows,' wrote Lord George in 1848, in soliciting Lord Hardwicke'sassistance for Lord Desart in the House of Lords on the debate on theCopper Duties, who as that ardent spirit complained was 'grosslyinsulted by Grey, Clanricarde and Granville.' A few months later,again, upon his resignation of the leadership of the irreconcilables inthe House of Commons, Lord George wrote: 'I come to you, therefore, asa private and independent member of the House of Commons, with none butsuch as you who admire consistency "so poor to do me reverence."'

All of Mr. Disraeli's letters to my father are written in very cordialterms, and express much gratitude for the support which was so valuableat that period of his career. Lord Hardwicke is 'his dear and faithfulfriend'; 'I am shaken,' he says in October of 1848, 'to the core, andcan neither offer nor receive consolation. But in coming to you I knowthat I come to a roof of sympathy, and to one who at all times andunder all circ*mstances has extended to me the feelings of regard bywhich I have ever been deeply honoured and greatly touched.' Two yearslater he wrote: 'I am pained that you should have been so long inEngland without my having seen or heard from you, my first, my best,and most regarded supporter and friend.—DISRAELI.'

I may perhaps look forward a few years in order to quote another letterof Mr. Disraeli of December 30, 1851, which contains an interestingreference to Lord Palmerston, who had just been dismissed by Lord JohnRussell for having given a semi-official recognition to Louis Napoleonand the coup d'état.

'If he had not committed himself in some degree by approbation of the"massacre of the boulevards" as it is styled, I hardly think Lord Johnwould have dared to dismiss him. He said to a person the other day, "Iwas not dismissed, I was kicked out."'

Five days later, on January 4, 1852, Mr. Disraeli wrote:

'That my last letter should not mislead you, I just write this to saythat I have authentic information that Palmerston's case is a good one;that the Government cannot face it; that Johnny has quite blundered thebusiness, and that P., whatever they may say at Brooks's, is acharné.'

Mr. Disraeli was a true prophet. On February 27 following, the Whig
Government fell, mainly owing to Lord Palmerston.

CHAPTER VIII

GENOA. 1849

In spite of the many interests of his position as a great landowner andthe distractions of politics at a time of great political unrest, LordHardwicke had never wavered in his love for his true profession of thesea. In his own words, 'in piping times of peace he was loth to takethe bread out of his brother officers' mouths after he became a peer,'by applying for active employment in the navy. He had, nevertheless,always placed himself at the disposal of the Admiralty, where his wishto serve his country at sea was well known. To his family he made nosecret of his ambition to resume his career in the service which hadbeen interrupted by his succession to the peerage. I have often heardhim say that his ideal of a happy death was to be killed by a roundshot on his own quarter-deck.

This longing for active service was, perhaps, a little relieved, butwas scarcely satisfied, by a short voyage he made in 1844 in command ofthe St. Vincent, line-of-battle ship of 120 guns. That vessel formedone of a small squadron which included also the Caledonia, Queenand Albion, and sailed under Admiral Bowles upon an experimentalcruise of six weeks in order to determine the respective merits ofthose ships.

It was, perhaps, the menacing aspect of European affairs which followedthe revolutions of 1848 which decided Lord Hardwicke again to seekactive service. He had certainly become restless, and his craving toresume the profession which lay nearest his heart and once more tocommand a battleship was daily growing stronger. Most of his friendswere opposed to that step; he had done so well and showed such aptitudefor politics, had lived so energetic and useful a life in his owncounty of Cambridgeshire, that they felt so great a break in that lifeas was involved in service abroad was a mistake. Moreover, LordHardwicke had now a family of seven children, the eldest being onlyabout twelve years of age. Many were the counsels heard by his friendsto dissuade him from the step. His old friend John Wilson Croker wasamong those who sought most urgently to persuade him to abandon theidea, and the esteem and admiration in which he held Lord Hardwicke andhis devotion to Lady Hardwicke and to 'Lady Betty' (who often sat onhis knee) are plain in several letters of advice he wrote at thisjuncture. But all was unavailing; Lord Hardwicke applied to theAdmiralty for a ship, and was given command of the Vengeance. Mr.Croker rather unwillingly acquiesced in this course in the followingletter:

* * * * *

WEST MOLESEY: 9th Novr. '48.

'MY DEAR CHARLES,

'I cannot say that I like losing you from home at so important acrisis, and I fear the good ship Wimpole will have cause to regretthe absence of the padrone, and all the world will say that this isproving the love of the profession with a Vengeance. But seriously,…if dear Lady Hardwicke not only does not object, but becomes theaccomplice and partner of your exile, no one else has anything toobject, not even political friends, as you can leave a proxy. It mayalso be an advantage to all the children, for it will perfect the youngones and indeed all in the languages, and the two elder young ladieswill have opportunities of seeing what all the world desires to see.Whatever you do, and wherever you go, you will be followed by theaffectionate solicitude of your old constant and most attached friend,

'J. W. CROKER.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke sailed early in 1849 to join the Mediterranean Fleet
under Sir William Parker who was in command at that station. Lady
Hardwicke and her family were installed at Malta, where a hotel in the
Strada Forni was engaged for them.

In order to understand the insurrection at Genoa in April 1849, in thequelling of which H.M.S. Vengeance and its captain, the Earl ofHardwicke, took so notable a part, it is necessary to take a shortretrospect of the history of Italy.

At the end of the Napoleonic Wars the opinion of Prince Metternich thatItaly is only a geographical expression was true enough. This cynicalminister of the Austrian Empire was the embodiment of the reactionwhich set in after the fall of Napoleon.

Europe, worn out by the struggles first of the Revolution and then ofits conquering offspring, had one idea only—the reorganisation of thedifferent States and the suppression of all revolutionary movements.The Powers therefore stood aloof from all interference in Italy andAustria had a free hand.

By the Treaty of Paris in 1814, Savoy, Genoa and Nice were assigned toPiedmont. This was not popular in Genoa which, hitherto a Republic, wasnow handed over to Victor Emmanuel I, a reactionary of the most extremetype. The old privileges of the Church and nobility were restored tothem. The Jesuits were allowed to overrun the country and were giventhe control of education, and in the army all those who had servedunder Napoleon were degraded. In fact the ancien régime was restoredwith interest to all those who had lost their privileges since 1793.The hatred of France on the part of the reigning sovereigns of Italywas a great strength to Austria. It was to the latter country that theylooked for their ideal of government. Such was the position when, in1821, a rising took place in Piedmont for reform and a constitution,and for the expulsion of the Austrians. It was not aimed at the King,on the contrary the insurrectionaries professed the greatest loyalty.Victor Emmanuel I, though a lover of his people, was not a lover oftheir liberties, and the hopes of the Reformers lay in the Prince ofCarignano, a nephew of Victor Emmanuel, who afterwards ascended thethrone as King Charles Albert. This prince, though in sympathy withreform, refused to go against the wishes of the King, who abdicated,appointing the Prince of Carignano Regent. The constitution of Spainwas granted 'pending the orders of the new King.' This monarch, CarloFelice, Duke of Genoa and brother of Victor Emmanuel I, lost no time inrepudiating the constitution, which was also opposed by the Russian andAustrian Governments.

Santarossa, who had been appointed Minister of War by the Regent, andwho was at the head of the insurrection, issued a proclamation in whichhe expressed the views of the promoters of the movement. 'A PiedmonteseKing in the midst of the Austrians, our inevitable enemies, is a Kingin prison. Nothing of what he may say can or ought to be accepted ascoming from him. We will prove to him that we are his children.'Liberty and freedom from Austrian influence was the cry, not disloyaltyto the ruling House of Piedmont. The rising of 1821 was not supportedin Lombardy, and was finally put down by the Austrian power.

Carlo Felice, the new King, suppressed all movement for reform andmaintained all the old prerogatives of class and caste. He, however,proclaimed the Prince of Carignano his heir and successor, and thelatter succeeded to the throne as Charles Albert in 1831.

In every part of Italy there was revolt against mediæval government andAustrian supremacy. In Naples after 1815 the Bourbon King had beenrestored. Here the same demand for a constitution was put forward as inPiedmont and accepted insincerely by the King. An Austrian force of43,000 men soon relieved his conscience of any concession, and theconstitution was withdrawn.

Sicily, which under English influences during the Napoleonic War hadacquired a certain amount of constitutional freedom, was on therestoration of the Bourbons thrown back, so far as government wasconcerned, into the Middle Ages; with the same result as in the otherKingdoms of Italy, insurrection, finally suppressed by Austrian power.The same movement occurred in all the different States of Italy and inall the basis of revolt was the same—a desire for unity, demand for aconstitution, and hatred of the Austrian power made more odious by theseverity of Metternich.

The forces of insurrection were stirred not only by the revolutionaryinstigations of Mazzini, but also by the contributions of literary men,the most notable of whom were Gioberti, Cesare Balbo, and D'Azeglio.Gioberti aimed at unity, independence and liberty; the first two to beobtained by a confederation of the various States under the Presidencyof the Pope, the last by internal reforms in each State. The ambitionsof Balbo were for a Kingdom of Italy. A confederation of States was tohim, as to Gioberti, the only practical solution. D'Azeglio, whopreached peaceful methods instead of violence, interviewed the King in1845, and received the following reply: 'Let these gentlemen know thatthey must keep quiet at present, there is nothing to be done, but tellthem that when the time comes, my life, the life of my children, myarmy, my treasury, my all, will be spent in the Italian cause.' Fromthis time the King of Piedmont was regarded as the leader of theItalian movement.

King Charles Albert, now a convert to liberalism, said: 'I intend tomake a form of government in which my people shall have all the libertythat is compatible with the preservation of the basis of the Monarchy.'

In 1848, the King's hand was forced by the revolution in Vienna and thefive days' insurrection in Milan to declare war on Austria. At Milanthe liberal committees prohibited the use of tobacco which was amonopoly of the Austrian Government. This led to a fracas which was theimmediate cause of the insurrection, and the Austrians were driven outof Milan. Simultaneously with the movement in Lombardy there was arising in Venice, the Austrians were driven out and a Republic wasproclaimed. This proclamation was a great mistake, as it createddistrust between Venice and Piedmont. The war with Austria was carriedon with the utmost inefficiency by Charles Albert; he wasted everyopportunity and gave himself up to fasting and prayer, and defeated, hehad to submit to the terms of Radetzky to obtain an armistice whichstipulated for the evacuation of Lombardy, the Duchies and Venetia.

The Piedmontese Constitution was proclaimed March 1848. It establishedtwo Chambers, gave a veto to the King, the prerogative of making peaceor war, and to the Chambers the control of expenditure.

The armistice ended March 12, 1849, and hostilities were renewed, andthe Italians were completely defeated at Novara. Charles Albert, whohad struggled bravely but incompetently, abdicated in favour of his sonVictor Emmanuel II. The new King signed the Treaty of Peace on March26, 1849.

The war though disastrous was remarkable. For the first time an Italianarmy had fought under the Italian flag with the distinct purpose ofestablishing Italian unity.

The Venetian Assembly resolved that fusion with Piedmont was desirable.
The Assembly at Milan came to a similar resolution.

Nowhere was the armistice, signed by Victor Emmanuel after the battleof Novara, more unpopular than at Genoa. A deputation from the citywaited on the King immediately after Novara, urging the continuation ofthe war. On March 27 a rumour that the Austrians were in theneighbourhood and intended to enter the city lit the fires of revoltwhich, fanned by the municipality and the clergy, broke out into openinsurrection on the 29th. Arms were distributed and a Committee ofDefence was formed composed of Constantino Rata, David Morchio, andAvezzana. It was stated that the movement was not republican in itsnature, but sprang from a feeling of indignation with the King forhaving concluded what the Genoese thought a disgraceful peace withAustria.

The foregoing pages dealing with the history of Italy were necessary inorder to show the position of affairs in that country at the time whenthe episode took place of which the following is the narrative. Threeof Lord Hardwicke's letters remain giving an account of his action atGenoa. Simple, straightforward, clear, they give not only an admirablepicture of the events of those exciting days, but also show thecharacter of the man who, having to act on his own initiative, cast allfeeling of self-interest aside and did what he conceived was his duty,with, as will be seen, the happiest results to the city of Genoa. Thisheroic action—because an act undertaken in a good cause without fearof consequences and at great personal risk is heroic—gained nothingfor Lord Hardwicke in his profession; indeed it militated against hispromotion in the service to which he was devoted; and though hisapplication for active service in the Baltic during the Crimean War wasrefused on technical grounds, his action at Genoa was sedulously usedby certain parties against him. All the more honour to the man whocould risk so much for a great cause. He saved lives, he preserved fromdestruction Genoa with its palaces and treasures, and he did indirectlyhelp forward the unity of Italy. In these days of quick communication,independence of action is almost impossible. The nervous man at homemay spoil the bold man at sea; but it was not formerly so, and it hasbeen by the initiative and on the responsibility of the man on thespot, that most of the great deeds have been done by ourfellow-countrymen. If Nelson had not had a blind eye at Copenhagen thehistory of our country might have been different. If Lord Hardwicke hadbeen in closer communication with Sir William Parker, Genoa might havebeen destroyed.

Lord Hardwicke had no sooner joined his ship in the Mediterranean thandifficulties arose in Italy, and it fell to the duty of the fleet toprotect the interests of Her Majesty's subjects living in the differentports. In February 1849, owing to the unrest in Tuscany and the RomanStates, he was ordered to proceed in the Vengeance to Leghorn.

The following were his instructions from Admiral Sir William Parker:

* * * * *

'The Grand Duke of Tuscany having quitted Sienna for the Port of San
Stefano, and a Provisional Government established itself at Florence,

'The Roman States having also declared themselves a Republic andapprehensions being likewise entertained that some change of Governmentis contemplated in the Kingdom of Sardinia—it is desirable thatBritish subjects and their property in those quarters should be dulyprotected.

'It is therefore my direction that your Lordship proceeds in H.M. shipVengeance under your command, to Leghorn where you may expect to findthe Bellerophon, and will learn from Captain Baynes the state ofaffairs in that vicinity, and the latest intelligence from Genoa.

'If you find that fears are entertained of any disturbance threateningthe safety of the persons or property of Her Majesty's subjects atLeghorn, you may prolong the stay of the Vengeance there for a fewdays, to give them additional confidence and security, unless you havereason to apprehend that commotions are also expected at Genoa, inwhich case, you should lose no time, weather permitting, in repairingoff that Port, where you may place the Vengeance within the Moleprovided you deem her presence necessary for the protection of theEnglish and that the position is secure for Her Majesty's ship.

'You will apprise his Excellency Mr. Abercromby, H.M. Minister atTurin, of your arrival off Genoa, and the nature of your orders,acquainting his Excellency that it is not desirable you should remainlonger than may be absolutely necessary for affording due protection toBritish subjects. And you will throughout carefully abstain from anyinterference with the political affairs of the Kingdom of Sardinia orany other foreign Power.

'Her Majesty's Consul, Mr. Yeates Brown, will, of course, visit your
Lordship on your arrival.

'If you consider the Mole at Genoa an objectionable position for Her
Majesty's ship you will make the best arrangement in your power for the
safety of the English, and then repair to Leghorn or the port of
Spezzia, as I hope it may be in my power shortly to send a steamer to
Genoa.

'If you find the services of the Vengeance are not required atLeghorn or Genoa, you are to rejoin my flag at this anchorage, unlessany increase of the smallpox in the Bellerophon should render itdesirable for the latter to proceed to Malta to land the patients, inwhich case you will relieve Captain Baynes in the duties at Leghorn anddirect him to join my flag as he passes to the southward.

'Your Lordship is to keep me informed of your proceedings and of thepassing events in your vicinity, by any opportunities that offer duringyour absence, sending the state and condition of the Vengeancemonthly, and on returning to the south you will supply any of the shipswhich may remain at Leghorn with such provisions as you can spare.

'(Signed) W. PARKER.'

NAPLES: 14th Feb. 1849.

* * * * *

Later in February the following letter was addressed to Lord Hardwickegiving him further instructions and remarking on the general unrest inTuscany and the Roman States.

* * * * *

Private.

'HIBERNIA,' NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'The Bulldog will join you after delivering the provisions which shetakes for the Bellerophon, and I hope will find Piedmont in a quieterstate than is rumoured here, and that your fever patients are recovered.

'You are to keep Commander Key if you think the presence of the steamernecessary, and then send him back to Naples, touching on his route atLeghorn.

'The Grand Duke of Tuscany has, I fear, made a fatal mistake inquitting his dominions. He is now quartered in a very indifferent innat Mole and rests his hopes on being restored by the combined CatholicPowers after they shall have reseated the Pope at Rome, but there areas yet no signs of a military movement.

'The Romans threaten daggers if the Austrians, Neapolitans or Spaniardsenter their States, and if overpowered mean to burn the Quirinal, &c.,I have not, however, much opinion of their prowess.

'I hope King Ferdinand has at last had the prudence to moderate histerms of adjustment with the Sicilians, at least so far as to afford achance of their acceptance. Admiral Biuder and myself will proceed in 2or 3 days to convey the ultimatum; I fear they will still be obstinate,but if it is rejected the armistice will be denounced by the NeapolitanGeneral, and the Sicilians must trust to their own resources.

The Prince Regent is expected at Mette to get a new Main-Yard. SirCharles Napier was at Gibraltar with his squadron on the 8th, and hadbeen joined by the Rodney and Vanguard.

'Believe me, dear Lord Hardwicke,

'Very truly yours,

'W. PARKER.'

* * * * *

A memorandum of the same date from Sir W. Parker informed Lord
Hardwicke that H.M. steam-sloop Bulldog was to co-operate with his
Lordship in the event of any disturbances in Piedmont.

* * * * *

Memo.

'HIBERNIA' AT NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.

'Having ordered Commander Key of H.M. steam-sloop Bulldog to proceedto Leghorn with a supply of provisions for the Bellerophon, he isdirected, after he shall have delivered them, to join your Lordship forthe purpose of rendering any protection or refuge that may bedesirable, to British subjects in the event of disturbances occurringin Piedmont.

'You will therefore take Commander Key under your orders and employ theBulldog accordingly as long as her presence appears necessary,sending her back to Naples whenever you think her services can bedispensed with, directing Commander Key to call at Leghorn on hisroute, for the purpose of conveying any communications which hisExcellency Sir George Hamilton, H.M. Minister at Florence, or CaptainBaynes, the Senior Naval Officer may have to forward.

'W. PARKER, Vice-Admiral.'

* * * * *

On March 4, 1849, Sir W. Parker tells Lord Hardwicke to remain at Genoaor at Spezzia.

* * * * *

Private.

H.M.S. 'HIBERNIA,' NAPLES:

4th March 1849.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'Accept my thanks for your two acceptable letters of this 24 and 28ult. I wish I could send you an answer more deserving of them but weare now getting under weigh for Palermo with the Queen, Powerful,and Terrible in C°., carrying the King's ultimatum of the terms ofadjustment with the Neapolitans, on which we have obtained somefavourable and necessary modifications altho' I doubt whether theSicilians will accept them. I think however that they ought to do soand I shall do my best to induce them.

'I think it will be better that you should remain at Genoa or Spezziafor the present, resorting to either place at your discretion.

'My family left me three days ago by the Antelope for Malta or theywould unite in every kind wish with, my dear Lord Hardwicke,

'Yours very faithfully,

'W. PARKER.'

* * * * *

On March 12, 1849, the armistice with Austria ended, and the followingproclamation clearly shows with what eager hope the Genoese welcomedwar.

* * * * *

'GENOESE!

'Our brothers, who for seven months, have been groaning under theAustrians, are waiting for us: Italy for many centuries has been calledthe "Servant of the Stranger": banishment to the words! Perhaps thecountry will desire great and terrible sacrifices from us; let usprepare ourselves. Let us assist our brave Army which is about to renewthe wonders of her courage: remember that this is the second trial andthat it ought to be the last. Conquer or die.

'And now, Genoese, my work is finished, I am preparing to depart in ashort time; presenting myself to the King and parliament, I can tellthem with safety without being contradicted: Genoa is tranquil.

'DOMENICO BUFFA,

'Minister of Agriculture, &c. &c., for the City of Genoa.'

GENOA: 14th March 1849.

* * * * *

The renewal of hostilities was quickly followed by the crushing defeatof Piedmont at the battle of Novara. On the abdication of CharlesAlbert and the succession of Victor Emmanuel to the throne, the newKing signed the Treaty of Peace on March 26, 1849. The terms of thistreaty were considered disgraceful by the Genoese and were theimmediate cause of the rebellion in that city.

From this point Lord Hardwicke's letters tell the tale.

* * * * *

GENOA: April 12, 1849.

'MY BELOVED S.,

'I may quote the old ditty of "Now the rage of battle endeth" and findtime to sit down and collect my thoughts, to write to you my dearestwife. I shall always consider myself most fortunate in having been themeans of ending this serious conflict, saving from ruin a beautifulcity and its inhabitants from all the calamities of civil war. Whatevermay be said or thought hereafter of this affair I shall invariably feelthat it is the best act of my life.

'April 11.—The forces of the King of Sardinia did on Wednesday make apublic entry into the town and presently took possession of it to thesatisfaction of the citizens, who now look (as they feel) that a loadof terror has been taken from them, and that the tyranny that hung overthem is removed. There are, no doubt, some honest and dreamy minds thatfeel and imagine that Italy is still to groan under the yoke of theoppressor, but ere long that dream will dissipate when the trueposition of Genoese affairs is known, and that the city was on thepoint of being reduced to a heap of ruin because a few blackguards haddeceived the Genoese that they might profit by the confusion and miseryof its inhabitants.

'I have many anecdotes to tell, and you may easily imagine that in sucha state of things, a fierce attack being made on the town by shot,shell and troops, I passing from side to side, sometimes standing inbatteries under fire and firing, sometimes on horseback to find theGeneral, landing at night &c., could not do this without some risk.Moreover the Vengeance being in the Mole was directly between thebatteries engaged, and all the shot passed over or fell round her. Thenshell burst over her and tore up her decks, musketry was at timesbestowed on us sufficiently to make me order the sentries on board andthe officers of the watch under cover; but no one was hurt, and it isall over, so you will have your fear and your anxiety immediately putunder, by the joy for the safety of all.

'(We never know here when to have letters ready, for conveyances startout every moment. I find I can send you a line, so I shall, but no,on second thoughts I believe I'd better wait for the regular packet,ten to one the person going to Malta will only take the regularpacket.) I believe I'd better write you a little narrative of myselfand the old ship—"Britannia's Pride and France's Terror."

'For some time past (as you will have learnt from my previouscorrespondence) matters in the city had been drawing towards that pointon which decisive measures are forced on both parties. What wasbelieved by some good citizens in Genoa to be buffonata, was inreality working up the public mind to revolutionary feelings againstall law and authority. A national or civic guard existed in the townunder the new Constitution of Sardinia (for they had a constitution andfree institutions) composed of the citizens of all grades and numberingabout 8000 men.

'The municipal council with the Syndic or Mayor at their head, togetherwith the General of the Civic Guard carried on the Government of thetown, and put themselves at the head of a movement, which had for itspretence the support of the King in a war against Austria, and apreparation of the City of Genoa for defence against the common foe.

'After the defeat of the King of Novara by the Austrians and theconclusion of an armistice, the articles of a Treaty became known whichthe Genoese thought disgraceful. There was now the sacred pretence forkeeping up and augmenting a spirit of disaffection towards theGovernment, and a demand was made by the municipality on General Asarta(who commanded for the King here with a garrison of about 5000 men) togive up the forts and defences of Genoa to the Civic Guard, and serveout arms to the people; this was said to be for the purpose ofresisting all who joined in the aforesaid Treaty, and to defend thecity against the Austrians. General Asarta appears throughout the wholeof this affair to have conducted himself with great weakness. He gaveup Bigota and Specola, the two most important forts, to the NationalGuard and distributed to the people 1400 muskets.

'This was about the state of affairs when I began to interest myself inthe state of Genoa. Seeing the populace in large numbers armed andgiving up their work, the National Guard assuming an air of moreimportance, and constant drumming and parading and reviewing going on,I saw clearly what all this was fast coming to. And on calling on LaPalavacini I seriously spoke of the prospects of Genoa, she laughed andcalled it Buffonata; but as you will see in the sequel the laugh ofthe lady was shortly changed, as were all smiling faces in Genoa.

'On the morning after, I paid a visit to my friend the old Admiral (whois a Genoese), and on enquiring "What news have you to-day?" heanswered with a gloomy look that it was bad; that the acts of theGeneral were great faults, and he feared much that having once dealtwith the insurrectionists on terms of equality, they would acquireconfidence, &c. On the following morning the British Consul came onboard to me and begged me in the name of General Asarta and theIntendente Generale, or Civil Governor of the Dukedom of Genoa, to comeat once to the ducal palace to consult with them on the state ofaffairs. (By the bye I have omitted to mention that the day previouslythe National Guard had seized the Civil Governor and General Fenetti,the second in Command, in the streets and cast them into prison, but afew hours after, released the Civil Governor.)

'I am of opinion that the advice of a foreigner is always offensiveeven if asked for, and not likely to be taken; I therefore determinedto give no advice, but to go to them, and state, that I held themresponsible for the security and peace of the town.

'Before, however, going I determined to see the old Admiral (whom I hada good opinion of, but I found I was in error). I told him what Ithought of advice by a foreigner on such occasions and that my Englishideas were decided in such a case, to defend all the property of theCrown to the last, and make no further concessions.

'He said, "Go for God's sake." I went and gave no advice, but formallystated to the King's officer that I held them responsible; they beggedme to put down in writing what I said, which I did.

'That very afternoon General Asarta fled from the ducal palace to themilitary arsenal, and withdrew his troops from the outposts andconcentrated his fire in and around the arsenal, leaving his wife andthree daughters in the hands of the Municipality.

'On the following morning I went on shore, and on landing at thedockyard I met the old Admiral, he was very low in spirits and informedme that he had information that an attack was intended (immediately) onthe dockyard for the purpose of getting hold of the shot and cannon andinstruments of war. I expressed a hope that he had made all necessaryarrangements for defence of the dockyard, and that he was prepared todefend it to the last. He answered that he was ready and would do hisduty, he was then dressed en bourgeois. After leaving the dockyard Iwent to visit General Asarta at the military arsenal. I found him with2000 men in and about the building, and two howitzers mounted on aterrace which overlooks the street leading to the dockyard.

'He told me that he had thought it better to concentrate his forces,and that as the arsenal contained a large quantity of arms, he had madeit his headquarters, that concession had gone to its limit, and that hewas determined if attacked to defend his position, but that he would donothing to provoke an attack.

'I, considering the present position of affairs, commended the coursehe proposed, more particularly as General La Marmora with 20,000 menwas advancing on the City; and that he with his advanced guard was notmore than twenty-four hours' march from Genoa.

'From this time matters took a more serious and determined course. TheGenoese had by degrees screwed themselves up to do something, but theydid not know what. The mob, now armed, soon began to feel that theymust either work or plunder, and as they had arms in their hands, withthe municipality and the General of the Guards committed to revoltagainst the authority of the Crown, they were easily worked on to beginthe affair. Whilst reading the newspapers at the public room, I wasroused from my ease by the generale being beat through the streets. Itook my way to the dockyard, where, on arriving, I found a fieldpiecebrought up against the gate. At this moment the gates were opened andthe mob rushed in, a few muskets were fired, I have since found bypeople looking out of the windows, and the pillage of arms and shotbegan. I met the Admiral, still out of uniform. I was ashamed to lookat him; I put my hands before my face and passed him without speaking.

'I went on board the ship and from her deck witnessed the attack of theNational Guards and mob on General Asarta's headquarters. Their easyvictory over the Admiral stimulated them to act against the General; afire of musketry and cannon was opened from both sides and wasmaintained for nearly an hour, when the city party retreated leavingthe guns in the hands of the General and twenty-one men dead—how manywomen was never known.

'The General lost two killed and three women. Among the killed was acolonel of one of his own regiments. The city was now fairly up, thetocsin was rung, everybody took up arms, barricades were thrown upeverywhere, and troops bivouacked in the streets. Sentinels, both maleand female, stood at the barricades, and priests in their propergarments shouldered the musket. This evening a barbarous murder of aColonel of Carbineers was committed by the armed populace; he after theattack on the arsenal put on a plain coat, and walked out to see hiswife who was alone at his home in the town. He was recognised by thepeople, they led him to a church where twenty-one bodies of the slainwere laid out, they ordered him to count the bodies audibly. He did so.They then said, "We want twenty-two and you shall be thetwenty-second." With that he was pierced with bayonets and shot at.From this mode of treatment he was an hour and a half before deathreleased his sufferings. His wife was hunted from house to house tillshe found shelter on board the Vengeance.

'There have been, of course, a number of similar and even morerevolting crimes committed, but I shall not speak of this more. GeneralLa Marmora has shot all his men that have taken the lead in plunder orrapine, and imprisoned the remainder, and I hope and believe thatnothing of this sort now goes on.

'In this state of affairs I next morning went to visit General Asarta,having previously called at the ducal palace to see his wife andchildren. I got access to them, but found her carefully guarded, and,in fact, a hostage in the hands of the mob for the conduct of herhusband. It was a painful interview, the manner of her guards towardsher was in my presence respectful, but cold and severe; she and herchildren have escaped all personal injury but have been plundered ofall they possess.

'I was met at the gate of the arsenal by Captain Cortener, an artilleryman that I knew, in tears; from him I learnt the disgraceful surrenderof the troops, and that the General with 5000 men was to evacuate thetown in 24 hours. I found the General had lost his head, he hardly knewme, and so I rendered him the last service in Genoa, that of sending acarriage to take him the first stage to Turin, leaving his wife andthree daughters in the hands of General Avezzana, the head of therevolt.

'Every preparation was now made by the Municipality and National Guardsfor the defence of the place against the King's Forces, approachingunder the command of a young and energetic General. I amused myselfwith visiting all their posts, and observed that in the affairs of war,there were very few among them who knew anything about it.

'Great importance was given to barricades—the word seemed to beominous of security—they reconstructed them now, building them of thefine paving stones of the Place, with sand filled between the stones.They had embrasures in them in which they mounted one or two heavypieces of ordnance; but all this time they were neglecting the fortsand walls of the town—their real defence; and I saw what would happen,and it did happen, viz. that the town wall was carried easily byescalade.

'The man now holding the military command was one General Avezzana, aPiedmontese, of low origin I should think; he was an adventurer, hadbeen concerned in former revolutionary affairs in Italy, and had abouttwenty years ago gone to America, where he married a Miss Plowden, anIrish emigrant in New York. He seems, between the two avocations of amilitary and a commercial life, to have made some money. Last year whenItaly and France began this revolutionary concord, he, loving troubledwaters, came over to Genoa and by some means got the King of Sardiniato give him the appointment of General of the Guardia Civica ofGenoa, a force of nearly 10,000 men of all arms, having cavalry andartillery included in the force. This force included the noble, theshop-keeper, and the small trader, and even people having no stake inthe town beyond the occupation of a lodging. It was under the orders,constitutionally, of the Crown in the first place, and then of theMayor, or Syndic, and his council.

'Genoa now stood alone with its own Government and its own army, at warwith its legitimate Monarch the King of Sardinia. They hoisted theSardinian flag nevertheless, but without the Royal Arms in the centre.

'In addition to this force there were in the town persons who had beenby degrees arriving for a long time past, people who form the GuardiaMobile of Italy, and have gone from town to town exciting discontent,about 2000 in number of all nations, under officers French and Poles.In addition, about 30,000 muskets with ammunition in abundance hadfallen into the hands of the Genoese on the taking of the arsenal, sothat women and boys were armed. This was the state of things early onthe morning of the 3rd of April; during the 2nd, a ProvisionalGovernment had been formed for the Duchy of Genoa and the Genoese flagparaded through the streets. This Government consisted of Albertini, ascoundrel and a blackguard, Reta, and Avezzana.

'I contemplated the state of things with deep interest. On theafternoon of the 3rd, as I was walking slowly from post to post towardsthe Porta della Lanterna I heard the crack of a musket, followed byeight or nine in rapid succession; there was great stir in the streetsimmediately and the generale was beat, and the tocsin began to sound.I passed on rapidly towards the Porta della Lanterna from which pointthe firing had now become rapid, and meeting a man who had received amusket ball flesh wound, I asked him the news; he said that LaMarmora's bersaglieri or light troops, had got over the wall.

'I now turned back towards the town and was much questioned at thefirst barricade by the people; when I told them that General La Marmorahad got into the suburb, there was a universal flight from thebarricade, which made me laugh exceedingly, and did not give me a veryhigh opinion of the valour of the Genoese insurrectionary troops, butit was only the first panic, and they recovered from it.

'At this moment a gun was fired from the head of the old Mole, and asits direction was towards the Vengeance, I went on board.

'Now to give you an idea of the powers I had as a spectator of thecoming conflict, I must tell you that the Mole of Genoa issemicircular, all the land rises in hills and terraces from the water,and the ship lay in that part of the semicircle next the Porta dellaLanterna, and not above 300 to 400 yards from the whole field ofbattle. You will see what a good view I had of all the affair, and thatall the shot from the opposing batteries passed over, or round the ship.

'On arriving on board, I saw that the light troops of General LaMarmora were carefully and slowly descending from the heights, anddriving in the outposts of the citizens; it was very pretty to see theway in which these men conducted the proceedings. First of all, theyare very picturesque troops, having on their heads a hat which has along flowing feather (which is a gameco*ck's tail dyed green); figure toyourself the rifle men in the Freischutz, and you have the men beforeyou. Singly and silently did these men advance, peeping over everywall, making every bank a cover, and killing or wounding at almostevery shot; while the citizens were crouching in confused groups, andas a man of the group fell from the unseen shot, the rest ran away,fired on from ten to twelve points, and thus dispersed. On all this Ilooked as upon a map. The consequence of all this was, that in aboutthree hours 120 light troops, the general, La Marmora in person, whichwas all of his army that had arrived, took possession of the suburb ofGenoa up to the first barricade of the town; but behind, and cut off,was the fortress of the gate, the key of Genoa, which the NationalGuards still held.

'About this time as the troops of La Marmora were seen on the heights,the town battery on the Mole had opened its fire, but no reply could bemade to it; as yet La Marmora had no guns over the wall.

'About 1 o'clock P.M. three cheers and a shot from a gun showed that hehad mounted his first piece of ordnance on the height above the gate.During the night the fire was kept up between this one gun and the gunson the town mole head.

'I must now pause to let you know that many refugees were on board, andas the fight thickened, I had no doubt that the morrow would fill theship with folks of all nations and both sexes.

'During the night a portion of La Marmora's advanced guard had arrived,and a battalion of light troops as well as one of infantry had got overthe wall. He now made his attack on the gate, which was soon taken;some few escaped to the seaside and hid themselves in the rocks, butthe greater part were killed. He also pressed forward along the roadtowards the city's first strong position, but his men got on butslowly, for the houses and points that afforded cover were wellcontested, and he lost many men.

'However, now he had got possession of the batteries of the Lanterna,mounting 19 guns, 68- and 32-pounders, with which he began to thunderaway about 1 o'clock on the town. Before dark La Marmora had possessionof all between the Lanterna and the Doria Palace, but here hisdifficulties increased; the fighting was severe during the whole ofthis day, and for the last five hours General La Marmora did notadvance a foot. At about two o'clock in the afternoon General LaMarmora sent an aide-de-camp to me, to beg to see me.

'I was on shore at the time looking at how the rebels got on at theiradvanced post, but as soon as I was informed I went to him. He was outon horseback at his attacking point, so asking for a horse, I mountedand rode towards his post of attack. I met him returning. We were verywell fired on with round shot on our return, but as he and I rodetogether two shots struck on each side of us, which led me to remark tohim that they fired well; he told me that that battery was commanded bya deserter from their artillery.

'In this ride back with him I got at all his intentions with regard tothe city.

'He told me he had 25,000 men coming up, that there was no mode ofwarfare that he would not visit on the city, shot, shell, night attack,and I added, "What say you to pillage," he replied, "I cannot guaranteethe contrary."

'After dismounting at his headquarters, a room in the gateway, hebegged me to look out for the Sardinian fleet expected, and to deliverto the Admiral two letters.

'I then, after visiting his batteries, went on board. Whilst standingin the battery of the Lanterna his men, after begging me to bob underthe parapet and then trying to pull me down, were surprised to hearthat on board ship, bobbing was tabooed to me, and therefore we werenot accustomed to do so, but, as I told them, I had not the leastobjection to their doing so. Both sides fired very well and with greatrapidity, and at this time La Marmora had thirty guns and mortarsbearing on the town, to which the town was replying with about forty,so there was a very respectable cannonade carried on.

'At about 6 P.M. he took the Doria Palace, the fire from his artilleryforcing the city people to leave it. He now established his advancedposts for the night in the Doria Palace. This day had put more than 120refugees on board the ship, but she was not so comfortable as weexpected. I was full; and for three nights never pulled off my clothes,indeed I could not find a square foot to rest on, in either cabin.

'I really, my dear, must leave out all the interesting details of myarrangements and difficulties with your sex, the state of things suchas this beggars description! I was anxious to give shelter to all, andin the afternoon, before I saw the General, it began to grow ratherwarm in Genoa. I called at the house of my Genoese lady friends, andsuch as had not already fled I induced to take shelter on board. At onelady's house the fair owner was in such a state of indecision I couldbring her to no resolution, as a shell passed or fell near her houseshe would wring her hands and cry out, "What shall I do? My beautifulfurniture! My beautiful house!" but she never said one word about herhusband who was in a fort above the town, which fort I knew must soonbe attacked, or her infant child who was with her. At last on mytelling her I must go, as I had much to do, she came and was taken onboard; but I must leave this part of the play to be told viva voce.

'At about half-past eight this evening, having served the poorfrightened refugees with the best fare I could give them, finding thatLa Marmora's fire was very serious against the city, and that to-morrowit would be twice as severe, seeing the wretched state of the poorGenoese women on board, and the more dreadful state in prospect forthem in the town, I took the resolution of, at all hazards to myselfand without consulting anyone, to try and stop this state of things; Iordered my gig to be manned.

'I must here, my love, break off my narrative till next post; thesteamer will wait no longer and my dispatches must go on board.

'Adieu, my love.

'I am, ever your devoted

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

GENOA: April 20, 1849.

'MY BELOVED S.,

'I have no sooner dispatched my letter to you this afternoon than Iagain take up my pen to carry on the narrative of the recent eventshere.

'I left off at the point where I determined to interfere and start forthe shore in my boat. It was fortunately a fine night, a few low lightclouds floated in the atmosphere, the roar of artillery, so close thatthe ship shook at every discharge, the roaring hiss of the shot, thebeautiful bright fuse of the bomb-shell, as it formed its parabola inthe air, sometimes obscured as it passed through a cloud and againemerged, gave an active and anxious feeling to my mind. I could not butfeel that I had a great and a good work in hand, I was soon on shore,the only gate in the city that was guaranteed to be open I pulled for;it was directly under the fire of the Boys' Home, two round shotsstruck the ground as I landed passing close over our heads. Desiring mycoxswain to pull the boat back among the shipping and out of the lineof fire, I walked to the gate and beat against it with the butt end ofmy sword; it was opened by one of the few officers of the Civic Guardwho now wore his uniform. Saying a few civil words to him I passed onup the street to the ducal palace. This city was at this moment worthcontemplating.

'Usually crowded with both sexes in rapid motion and gay laughingconversation, it now was like the city of the dead, its silence onlydisturbed by the explosion of the shells or a wall struck by shot, andthe occasional reports of musketry in quick succession.

'I had to pass three barricades before reaching the Palace, the twofirst were deserted, on passing the third a bayonet was presented to mybreast. On looking up I found the other end was in the hands of apretty delicate woman. I pushed the weapon aside and giving her amilitary salute, passed on. I got easy access to the Municipal Body.

'It is not easy to give in writing a perfect idea of this night'sscenes. You must carry in your head the state of Genoa; the people whoformed the municipality were persons who had only read of war, they hadnever seen its terrors before; they were fathers and husbands, men ofproperty, all within the city walls; they were the heads of the revoltsin the first instance, about soon to become the followers or slaves ofthe armed rebel, or die.

'The present state of things favoured my plan. I was received by fourof the good people who sat quietly waiting for others, and about twentypeople, among whom was the Bishop of Genoa, were soon in the room. Iopened my mission to them and drew as strong a picture as I was able,obliged to speak French, of the position, and then asked them if theyagreed to my view of that part of this case. They concurred in all Isaid.

'It was to the effect that the military power was outside and inside.That the one inside was most to be feared, and that no question existedat this moment to warrant a resistance which would destroy the city,give the wives and children to rapine, and their homes to pillage,without a chance of success on their side.

'I next put before them their duty, which was at once to set a goodexample; to rally the respectable people, and people of property in thetown, and separate themselves from foreigners and nigg*rds; next, tosurrender the city to the King's general, and not to sit to see itdestroyed without a struggle to save themselves from ruin and disgrace.To all this they gave a ready assent; but how to act was the question.

'I said, "If you have confidence in me let us act together," and movingto the table I took up a pen and began to write on a sheet of paper,when lo! a visitor made his appearance that aided me much in myintentions. A shell knocked off the top of the chimney and perforatedthe wall, exploding in the chimney of the ante-room to the one we werein. The effect was great, but I coolly said, "Oh pooh, only ashell—let us go on," and the fear and excitement which had for amoment prevailed subsided, my words and manner restoring confidence andstopping observations. La Marmora's messenger did me good service, foron finishing my draft of a treaty it was generally approved of; butthey added an additional clause giving an amnesty to all for recentoffences. This clause I objected to, but being in haste to see whatGeneral La Marmora would say to me, I deferred all discussion till myreturn.

'I got quickly down to my boat and pulled across the mole to the Portadella Lanterna, and found no interruption from the sea to the worksabove, till I came to the gate; here of course I had to wait till allthe forms were gone through which state of war required. I found theGeneral had gone to St. Pierre de la Regina, two miles off for thenight; no wonder, for nineteen 68- and 32-pounders were firing from thelantern battery, and a fire of ten or twelve guns returning the salutefrom the town on this point alone.

'Away I trudged, and, after some lost time, found the General in hisbed. He had been up like me three nights, this was my third, and wasill with fatigue and anxiety. I prefaced all I had to offer by anapology for putting myself forward in such a case. I made my proposalsfor the surrender of the city. He was most frank and manly in hisanswer. He said he thought all I said and offered was most fair, and ifI would add a clause for the disarming of the population he would sign.This was a great step; I saw the man liked me and that I could dealwith him. I saw too that he was a gentleman, a soldier and a humaneman. I now determined in my own mind that the city should surrender,and I hoped on my own terms. So I went to work with a good will. I wassoon back again with the municipality, and sat in their room till fourin the morning fighting in debate clause by clause of my articles.

'By this time the lawyers had come, Avezzana the general had arrived,and it was hard work. I got all the clauses passed even to thedisarming of the people, but the great tug was a general amnesty whichthey demanded. On this point I was determined.

'Imagine my debating this with the proscribed whose case was life andbanishment, or death!

'First fury and anger and threats were used against me; thensupplication and tears. I was firm. I said I could never ask of any onethat which I myself would not grant; that I thought the city of Genoahighly criminal; that some punishment must be and ought to be inflictedon it; but that I would be fair and merciful in what I did, and that Iwould find out from the General La Marmora what his most lenient viewswere in regard to the leaders of the revolt. At five I was at thelanding place of the Porta della Lanterna, when as soon as I landed,the Piedmontese sentry fired right at me at about three yards'distance, and ran as fast as he could, the ball passed quite close tomy right. I came up with him, and took his musket from him, shaking itI found it had just been discharged. I taxed him with firing at me, heowned it saying his regiment had arrived in the night and he was justput on as sentry. He heard he was surrounded with enemies so he firedat the first man he saw. I frightened him by pretending to drag himbefore the General, but laughing let him go. The fact was, as hestated, he was in a devil of a funk, and so thinking to make short workdid not challenge before firing. I was surprised at finding a sentry onthis spot, he had been put there since I was last there.

'I found La Marmora at the Lanterna; he now drew up a paper inaccordance with mine, giving life and property to all, with a promiseto intercede with the King to-morrow; the punishment of the leaders toas few as possible; with this I again returned to the ducal palace.

'Before leaving him he proposed to cease his fire on the city till myreturn. I told him in reply I did not ask him to do so, however as soonas I left him his fire ceased. This was most humane on his part, for itwas full an hour and a half before I got the town batteries to ceasetheir fire. La Marmora, however, began a fierce attack with musketry,&c., on the advance post of the town.

'This my last visit to the Municipality was the most painful of all,for I had to sit apart and allow them to fight among themselves. Istated that what I had laid before them was the ultimatum, that I couldand would ask no more, and that if they did not agree to this I shouldtake my leave; that the fire would be resumed with increased vigour andthat the destruction of the city and blood of its inhabitants must lieat their door.

'They then proposed to me, finding I was inexorable, to go in a body tothe General if I would go with them. I consented and took them over inthe barge. On my way I informed them that I would not help them intheir appeal to General La Marmora with regard to entire amnesty, butthat I would join them in gaining time; on which it was agreed to pressfor 48 hours of cessation of arms, and that a deputation from the citymight go to the King at Turin.

'On going into the presence of the General I drew aside and sat on abed, whilst the deputation urged their claims, and as in Italyeverybody is eager and full of gesticulation, the noise and confusionwas tremendous. I had not seen this for we were treating under fire andall were silent, those who had the best nerves were the speakers. Ifyou want to make peace treat under fire; for me it will become a maxim.However after about two hours' wrangle, the General came up to me andsaid, "Are you not 'accord' with me? that you do not speak," so muchhad I gained of his mind that he would not act without me. In short Imay now say, the 48 hours were granted. The deputation went to Turin,they got 48 hours more, and the city was surrendered on my treaty, theKing granting an amnesty to all but twelve persons named, and they hadbeen allowed to escape.

'During all this time a severe engagement had been carried on at theadvanced posts. The Doria Palace had been taken by the King's troopsthe evening before. Batteries had been erected against it by the rebelsand the contest was most fierce, all the morning batteries were firingon both sides with high guns. An attack by escalade was preparingagainst Fort Bogota, a sally had been made from it to destroy LaMarmora's works, more troops were coming up, and occupying ground onthe east side of the town. My business now was to exert myself to makethe fire to cease on all sides.

'My love, I must leave my narrative for another letter, I find it takesmore time even to relate it shortly than I thought. I must write mydespatch to the Admiral and write to you a short note.

'H.

'Excuse faults, I've no time to read it over.'

* * * * *

GENOA: April 27, 1849.

'MY DEAREST S.,

'I have so long neglected to pursue the narrative of events at thisplace, that I fear you will think I had forgotten both you and it, butin truth since the troubles have ceased, I have been so well employedin writing and disciplining this ship, this each day takes me till 1P.M., that I have not found the days too long. But now I am out of theport, for I weighed this morning with Prince Regent for a littleexercise, I shall finish this short narrative of past events.

'I think I had acquainted you of the completion of the armistice andterms, signed by all parties, for surrendering and accepting thesurrender of the town. Having therefore seen the deputation of the townoff for Turin, my next most anxious endeavour was to cause the battleto cease, which had been carried on at the advanced posts with greatsmartness. I therefore once more took to my boat to begin the arduousduty of separating the combatants. General La Marmora sentaide-de-camps, but it took time before they could reach all points fromwhich cannon were firing, not on the town but all the points of attack.The first stop I put on the firing was by landing on the mole andtaking a 32 lb. gun that was being worked against the Doria Palace. Ilanded with my six gigs, and they drove them with their swords from thegun, which I ordered to be drawn and all the ammunition to be throwninto the sea. But my coxswain thought the powder too good, and when Iagain got into the boat I found it all stowed away in her. Of course abody of muskets mustered against us to drive us away, in turn, withfixed bayonets. I walked quietly up to them, and after being informedhow the case stood, with a little grumbling they went quietly away.

'From hence I went to the naval arsenal; here I was warned at theentrance, by sentry, to take care, for the houses that commanded thebasin and storehouses were full of armed men, placed there in readinessto attack the arsenal with a view to release the galley slaves. I wentin, however, and saw the Commander of the Bagnio, and looked at themeans of defence that might be offered if attacked; he told me he wasquite deserted, but if matters came to the worst he would make anattempt to defend the prison. From the Arsenal I went directly to theheadquarters of the rebel General. Here elbowing my way amid a host ofarmed brigands and people of the lower and lowest class of Genoese Ifound the general, Avezzana, seated at a table in a moderate sizedroom. As soon as I was offered a seat at his table, a crowd of armedfolk filled the room and pressed hard upon us. He was haughty anddistant in his manner; I said that I had just seen the deputation offfor Turin and that as an armistice was agreed on for forty-eight hoursI begged he would at once do all in his power to cease the firing onhis side; he was out of humour and said: "When General La Marmoradoes!" He then charged me with being a partisan. I said I feared I was,and belonged to a party in the world that loved order and government."Oh ah!" said he, "but you have taken on you and thrown the ammunitionof the people into the sea"—on which there was a shout as he raisedhis voice in finishing his sentence. I saw my ground was critical andthat much depended on myself, so I quietly but audibly said, "Yes, Idid so, and shall do the same whenever I find the like; I have nottoiled for two nights and days to save the property of the poor, thewidow from affliction, and the orphan from wretchedness (I might havesaid more) and now for the sake of a few cartridges to allow more bloodto be shed, when you have signed a peace." This was a blow he did notexpect, for he had not told the people he had signed, but on thecontrary went out and harangued at the barricades talking stuff aboutliberty, death, patriotism and all other fine things. He quietlylistened though, and began to question me as to many things he said Ihad done against the people. On this I rose, took up my hat and in ahaughty tone said, "I don't come here to be questioned, but to makepeace, so I wish you good morning."

'There was a murmur, and then a civil speech from those about me topray I would be seated, when suddenly the tone of questioning was takenup by a young man in a blue and red uniform, standing close to theGeneral in a most intemperate manner. To him I civilly said I would notbe questioned, and rose, took my hat and departed. They made a lane forme; the young man followed me and grasping my hand said, "I beg yourpardon, I know I was very hot, but I have had two horses killed underme this morning." I said I thought that ought to make him cool, onwhich he laughed and said, "I am not a Genoese, I am a Frenchman." Hethen told me he was sent by the Republicans in France to aid the causeof liberty in Italy.

'I said, "Well, if you wish to see me, come on board to-morrow at 9." Inever saw him again.

'I remained on shore visiting several points where the fire had beenmost active, and about 3 P.M. all was silent, the battle was over, andI came on board to my crowd of women and children. You may suppose Iwas well tired. I had not had my clothes off for 3 nights, and only aplank and an hour or two the nights previous to the last. I, however,took the head of my table at 6 o'clock; it was a beautiful evening, andwith the Genoese ladies and Captain Tarlton to take care of me I satout in the stern gallery till 10 P.M., when Tarlton told me he had abed made for me in a spare cabin below. In this I got a good night'srest in spite of the diabolical witlow; the witlow is so unromantic awound that I shall leave it out of the narrative for the future. Thenext morning I was with General La Marmora at daylight and from him Iwent to the municipality. I found them in a sad plight, full of terror.The Syndic, or Mayor had been threatened in the night. Albertini, aleader of the revolt, one of the worst of ruffians I am told, enteredhis bedchamber at midnight with money orders and proclamations readydrawn out, and with a pistol to his head forced him to sign them. I hada long conversation with them on the state of affairs, I found that theRed Republicans had shown themselves in reality.

'I advised them to send out confidential emissaries to all the NationalGuards of a respectable character that could be found, to come to theducal palace; to get the mob on pretences of various kinds out of it,and at once begin to endeavour to rally the better spirits within thetown. They promised me they would do so. They then showed me anexcellent paper they had drawn up, containing the truth in regard tothe armistice and present position of affairs. They were afraid topublish it, for Avezzana had told another story. I suggested that sucha paper, published with the signatures of all the European Consuls,would have an excellent effect. They thought it the best, but againwere afraid of being thought the authors; so I then offered that itshould be mine and I could at once try and get the consuls to sign it.You can hardly conceive the relief even this small act, and truthhaving a chance of being told, seemed to give them. I went straight tothe French Consul and found him at home, showed him the paper which heseemed to approve, said I might leave it to him and he would summon theConsuls and do the needful. He did nothing. Leon Le Favre, brother toJules Le Favre, editor of the Nationale, Red Republican; but more ofhim by and bye.

'I now went on board to breakfast, having the day previous had a letterfrom Sir William Abercromby, our Minister at Turin, begging me to doall I could for the King of Sardinia in his distress; and the lettercontaining a positive request that I would prevent all the Sardinianvessels from entering Genoa, as they are bringing more Reds andLombards to assist the revolt; and having had one of my cutters firedon with grape in relieving guard the evening before, I determined tomove the Vengeance into the inner mole, where I could work the shipeffectually, if I chose, to prevent the entrance of anything into theharbour for disembarkation. While in the act of moving the ship Ireceived the serious news from the Municipality, that it was theintention of the Reds, with Albertini and Campanelli at their head, toat once open the Bagnio and let loose the galley slaves; begging at thesame time that I would take it on myself to prevent this, as it couldonly be in contemplation for purposes easily conceived, though dreadfulto contemplate.

'I now placed the ship in a position to command with her guns thedockyard and houses opposite to it. She had opposed to her a 20-gunbattery in the dock-yard and Bagnio, and a 20-gun battery on theopposite side to the dockyard, one of 15 guns on the bow, and varioussmall masked batteries on various heights about the ship; not namingthe great forts on the heights. But be it remembered that these workswere ill-manned, and none provided with trained artillery men. Havingsecured the ship and got her ready for action, not loading guns, Inever loaded a gun while at Genoa, I went on shore and found that theGovernor of the prison had received his summons to open the doors, andhad refused. He was glad to see me, we now settled his plan of defenceas far as he was able, and to my astonishment he struck chains offfifty forçats and put a musket into their hands. He made excellentarrangements for defence, and assured me he could rely on these men. Ihad them drawn up and found they all understood the weapon. I told themif they behaved well, &c. &c. &c. I now informed him that at the firstreport of a musket fired from a point agreed on, I should land with 150marines, and my gun boats would enter the mole and would sweep withgrape the houses and wharfs, while the ship could do as she pleased. Iam praised in a public letter from Sir William Parker for this, theonly act that was not neutral and that would, had the Reds acted, havebrought the Vengeance into the whole affair. To end the affair atonce these acts of mine stopped the whole thing, and broke up the Redgang in Genoa.

'It also had another effect; it cleared my ship of every soul. As soonas we anchored and prepared for battle, every soul fled the ship andgot away through Marmora's army to St. Pierre de la Regina, where theywere quite safe.

'Just after the sun had set this evening and it was growing dark enoughnot to know green from blue, a steamer at full speed was seen enteringthe port, and to my horror La Marmora's nineteen gun battery at thelighthouse, while she was passing close under Vengeance's bows,opened fire upon her, putting two 30 lb. shots through her hull. In aninstant all the batteries opened on him, I thought all my efforts in amoment destroyed. In a fit I jumped into the first boat, and shoved onboard the Frenchman, sending an officer to La Marmora's batteries tobeg them to leave off firing. To end this story, the officer at LaMarmora's battery had mistaken the French for the Sardinian flag, andfired on it. The mistake cleared up, to my joy the volcano ceasedvomiting, but here was more fat in the fire. I sat down to my dinner atsix once more in peace and tête-à-tête with Tarlton talking over ouraffairs with the gusto given by a superior appetite to a shocking baddinner, when in burst the two French captains, one of the Tonnerre afrigate in the port, and the other the captain of the packet.

'I won't try to paint with my poor pen the scene, but I was highlyamused and in such imperturbable good humour, that even the captain ofthe Tonnerre, calling me a party man and attacking me as if I hadfired at his nasty flag, did not make me call him what I might withtruth have done, a Red. He would not eat, or drink, or do anything butfume. At last I coolly said "Eh bien, Monsieur, c'est votre faute.""Why, how, what you mean, Monsieur?" "That you have set the example ofTricolor, and desire all the world to adopt it, and are now angrybecause blue and green are so much alike, that after the sun has setone colour cannot be known from the other"; on which the Captain of thepacket said Bon! and laughed heartily; he was a good little man andmade light of the whole affair. The French have insisted on the extremeof satisfaction in this case.

'The next morning I was with the municipal body at 5 A.M. I found themin the lowest possible state of despondency and terror, although therewas a change for the better in the appearance of the National Guard.They with anxious looks led me to their chair, shut the doors and thenrevealed to me in low tones that the state of affairs was worse. Ofthis I felt sure that it would either end in a pillage and a massacre,or cease from that moment.

'They placed before me a letter of Avezzana's addressed to themunicipal body, threatening them with energetic measures if they didnot advance the revolt by more activity. I found he and Albertini hadinstituted a tribunal, Albertini as president, with power of life anddeath with instant execution. Guillotines were built; these poor devilswere waiting their doom. I sent for him, by a civil message, of course,I taxed him roundly with his intentions and bad faith. He, cowed,answered in a subdued tone. In short, the game was up, he that daytried to put an insult on me through the flag, failed again, got aboardan American ship and fled that night.

'I can't go on with this story any longer, I have written it to itspositive finish to amuse you, my dearest wife. I have told it very ill,it may form, when we meet, a subject for an evening's conversation,when I can fill up gaps, explain incongruities, but not read my ownhandwriting.

'If you show it to anyone, take care it is only to a mutual friend orsister; it is not fit to meet the eye of a critic or indeed of anyone,but it is a note of the time from which a statement might with somefurther details be made.

'I have not said a word of loss of life. The King of Sardinia has about100 killed, 15 officers and 300 wounded. What the loss on the side ofthe revolt is, no one can tell. My surgeons attended the wounded, sentby me; all the time the hospitals were full, but they said more werecarried home than went there. They must have buried their slain in thenight, for I have seen many women who have never seen their sons orhusbands since the day the firing began.

'The Doria Palace and houses round it show the chief destruction. Thetown has suffered little, it did not last long enough to makeimpression on stone and marble houses. Five shell fell into the DucalPalace, and six into the great hospital, the rest are scattered about,so that the damage only meets the eye here and there.

'I have a satisfaction in feeling that I shortened the punishment ofthe beautiful city.

'Its frescoes and its pictures, given to the bomb and the sack, wouldhave been forgotten in Europe, and its ancient splendour might onlyhave been talked of as existing before the bombardment of 1849.

'I say this to you only, and now shall hold my peace for the future.

'Yours ever,

'H.

'PS.—Packet sails at 6; hour 5 P.M. April 30.'

* * * * *

These graphic letters, which were never intended to see the light,clearly show the important part taken by Lord Hardwicke as mediatorbetween the insurgents and the King's army. They show him cool underfire and intrepid in action. Humane he certainly was, and it was thefeeling for the city and its inhabitants which prompted him to takeaction outside the strict limits of his duty. Nothing succeeds likesuccess, and all this was accomplished without a gun being loaded onboard the Vengeance. If Lord Hardwicke had had to 'sweep with grapethe houses and the wharfs' as he threatened to do, the fat would havebeen in the fire and the question of interfering in the affairs of aforeign nation might have been raised. The knowledge, however, of hisdetermined character, and that he would not hesitate to shoot shouldthe necessity arise, was sufficient to deter the rebels from carryingout their threat to open the prison doors and let loose the convicts onthe town.

A striking proof of the part the Vengeance took in foiling theschemes of the rebels is afforded in the pages of a little book writtenat the time by one who was in sympathy with the Revolution. It isentitled 'Della Rivoluzione di Genova nell April del 1849. Memorie eDocumenti di un Testimonio Oculare. Italia 1850.' 'The capitulationwhich shortly took place,' says the author, 'was his [Lord Hardwicke's]work (opera sua) and that of the English Consul in concert with themunicipality.' He had accomplished a great work to the satisfaction ofall parties with the exception of a few agitators.

The fact that a few days after these events Lord Hardwicke was able togather at his board in convivial entertainment not only the Generalsand Staff of Victor Emmanuel's army, but also the Syndic and MunicipalBody of Genoa, is a proof of the complete success of his undertaking.

'I gave a grand dinner to 73 persons, consisting of the Englishresidents, General de la Marmora and 6 of his generals, all hiscolonels of regiments and his staff. The two Admirals, all the Captainsof the Sardinian Navy, the Syndic and Municipal Body of Genoa, 4Judges, all the following Consuls and some of my officers.

'It was admirably done, an excellent dinner very well served indeed.The room was decorated with the Queen's arms and naval trophies,together with two Bands of music. When the Queen's health was drunk at9 o'clock, the ship was brilliantly illuminated, the yards manned andshe fired a royal salute. The whole gave great satisfaction here, theheads of the revolt, the Conqueror and Mediator dined together, and LaMarmora gave as his toast, "Success to the City of Genoa."'

So it was a day of shaking hands and conviviality under the shade ofthe British flag.

It was not until August 6, 1849, that a treaty of peace betweenPiedmont and Austria was finally settled; by its terms the Piedmontesehad to pay a war indemnity of 75,000,000 francs. The NationalParliament, however, hesitated to ratify the treaty, and the King wasobliged to dissolve Parliament and make a personal appeal to thecountry. The result was satisfactory and the treaty received thenecessary ratification. Piedmont was not in a condition to renewhostilities with so powerful a foe as Austria, and for the moment hadto play a waiting game. In the meantime the King, in spite of thereactionary spirit which was abroad, honourably maintained theliberties of the country, and in the courageous appeal to his people hegave a pledge of his intentions.

'The liberties of the country run no risk of being imperilled throughthe dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, for they are protected bythe venerated memory of my father, King Charles Albert; they areentrusted to the honour of the House of Savoy; they are guarded by thesolemnity of my own oath: who would dare to have any fear for them?'

The liberty which was now firmly rooted in Piedmont gave umbrage to theother states of Italy, especially in Naples, where Ferdinand IIestablished a tyranny. It was at this time that Mr. Gladstone, afterhaving visited Naples, published his famous letters to Lord Aberdeensumming up the position as 'The negation of God created into a systemof government.' Under the influence of Cavour, Piedmont became thecentre of the movement for Italian unity and Garibaldi took for hiswatchword, 'Italy and Victor Emmanuel.'

Every endeavour was made by the leaders of the Italian movement tointerest Europe in their cause. Much had been done in this direction atthe Paris Congress of 1856. Piedmont had taken part in the Crimean Warby contributing 15,000 men to the allied army. Napoleon was known to besympathetic to the Italian cause, and in 1859, on Austria calling onPiedmont to disarm, war was declared.

The successes of Magenta and Solferino, as far as Northern Italy wasconcerned, gave Lombardy to Piedmont, but left Austria in thepossession of Venice. Napoleon, who was by no means a whole-heartedsupporter of Italian Unity, had designs of his own, and therefore didnot press the campaign to its ultimate conclusion which, as Cavour hadhoped, should have been the total exclusion of Austria from Italianterritory. A great step, however, had been gained, and Victor Emmanuelshowed his accustomed wisdom in accepting the position for what it wasworth and waiting on events. This course was soon to be justified.Cavour did not live to see the success of his policy. He died in 1861,five years before the war between Germany and Austria, in which Italytook a part against her ancient foe, gave the opportunity of freeingthe Peninsula from Austrian rule. On the outbreak of the war attemptswere made through the mediation of Napoleon to sever Italy from heralliance with Germany, Austria offering to voluntarily cede Venice.Victor Emmanuel, however, wisely stood firm to his alliance, and thewar ended in the complete discomfiture of Austria, and Sadowa must rankwith Magenta and Solferino as one of the decisive battles in theLiberation of Italy. By the Peace of Prague Venetia was ceded throughNapoleon to Italy, and on November 7, 1866, Victor Emmanuel made hisentry into the city as King.

Rome was still a difficulty; there the Pope, supported by Frenchbayonets, held out for his temporal powers against free Italy whichwanted Rome for its capital, and Garibaldi's expedition of 1867 was afailure. 'In the name of the French Government, we declare that Italyshall never take possession of Rome,' were the brave words of thePresident of the French Ministry on the eve of the Franco-Prussian War.

In 1870, after his first defeat, Napoleon failed to secure the help ofItaly, and Rome being denuded of foreign troops fell an easy prey tothe army of the King. Thus it was through the agency of Prussia thatItaly secured Liberty. The statecraft of Cavour and the patience andself-control of Victor Emmanuel gained what the impetuous bravery ofGaribaldi and the revolutionary efforts of Mazzini could never haverealised. Each, however, had done his part. The spirit of a people toaccomplish great things must be aroused to create the energy which themaster-hand must hold in check.

The force must be there, ready to propel the State when times are ripe.The discontent which showed itself at Genoa after the battle of Novara,the ideals which animated the thousand who sailed with Garibaldi tofree Sicily, were both of them valuable assets to the nation.

That there were men who for their own ends took advantage of thesituation cannot be doubted, and the revolutionaries in Genoa were ofthis kind. The ruin they might have brought on the city of Genoa andthe difficulties they would have put in the way of Victor Emmanuel hadthey been successful are easily imagined.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII

In view of the reflections made upon Lord Hardwicke's conduct at Genoawhich I have considered in the preceding chapter, I have thought itwell to print, without further comment, copies of certain documentswhich were found among his papers. These, I think, leave no doubt as tothe light in which that conduct appeared to those best able to judge ofit.

A letter from General La Marmora: dated 'La Lanterna,' 9 April, '49.
Three o'clock.

STATO MAGGIORE, QUARTIER GENERALE,
della 6° Divisione, addi 1849.
OGGETTO.

'MILORD,

'J'aurai des dépêches très importantes à vous communiquer. Si ce n'estpas une indiscretion je vous priérai de passer un moment ici d'autantplus que j'espère le Sindic de la ville voudra y venir aussi ainsi queje l'ai invité.

'Votre très humble serviteur,

'ALPHONSE LA MARMORA.'

* * * * *

Letter from the Syndic of Genoa to Lord Hardwicke.

'MILORD,

'Le Syndic de la Ville de Gênes s'empresse à votre demande de vousenvoyer les copies des projets de capitulation entre les représentantsde la Ville sousdite et le Général La Marmora contr[e]-signées par vousà l'original, et cela d'une manière toute confidentielle et sans aucuncaractère d'autenticité, le Municipe ne pouvant pas, (dès que tout estrentré dans l'ordre,) se mêler d'aucune chose qui directement ouindirectement puisse avoir trait à la politique.

'Agréez, Milord, les sentimens de haute estime et de reconnaissance quenous et la Ville entière vous devons par la part généreuse que vousavez pris pour la conciliation de nos différences.

'De V Sè Milord,

'Très-humble et très obéissant serviteur

'le Syndic

'A. ROFUMOTTI.'

GÊNES: 12 Avril, 1849.

A MILORD HARDWICK,

Commandant le Vaisseau

de S. M. Britannique,

La Vengeance.

* * * * *

Letter from General de Launay, Minister for Foreign Affairs to Victor
Emmanuel II, King of Sardinia, conferring the Cross of the Order of St.
Maurice and St. Lazarus upon Lord Hardwicke.

SECRÉTAIRERIE D'ETAT POUR LES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGÈRES.

TURIN: le 22 Avril, 1849.

'MILORD,

'J'ai eu l'honneur de faire connaître au Roi, mon auguste Souverain,les importans services que vous avez rendus à Son Gouvernement pendantles graves évènemens qui ont affligé la ville de Gênes etl'empressem*nt efficace avec lequel vous avez puissamment secondé Mr leGénéral de La Marmora pour y ramener l'ordre. Sa Majesté, prenant enbienveillante considération l'activité que vous avez déployée pourempêcher toutes nouvelles bandes de factieux de pénétrer dans la placeet de se joindre aux rebelles, ainsi que les mesures promptes eténergiques que vous avez adoptées pour prévenir la mise en liberté desforçats, détenus dans le bagne, que les révoltés voulaient armer, apris la détermination de vous donner, Milord, un témoignage éclatant deSa satisfaction Royale, en vous conférant la croix de Commandeur de SonOrdre religieux et militaire des Saints Maurice et Lazare.

'Persuadé que vous trouverez, Milord, dans cette marque flatteuse de labienveillance du Roi, une preuve du prix que Sa Majesté attache auservice important que, suivant les intentions toujours si amicales del'Angleterre, Son ancienne et fidèle alliée, vous avez rendu à SonGouvernement dans les circonstances pénibles ou il s'est trouvé, jem'empresse de vous envoyer ci-joint la décoration qui vous est destinée.

'En me réservant de vous transmettre votre diplôme aussitôt que laGrande Maîtrise de l'Ordre de St Maurice me l'aura fait parvenir, jevous prie d'agréer, Milord, les assurances de ma considération trèsdistinguée.

'G. DE LAUNAY.'

A LORD HARDWICKE,

Commandant le Vaisseau

Anglais 'Vengeance,' &c. &c.

* * * * *

Despatch from Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, commanding the
Mediterranean Fleet, to Lord Hardwicke.

'CALEDONIA' AT MALTA:

26 April, 1849.

'MY LORD,

'I have this morning received your Lordship's letters Nos. 11 and 12,of the 18th and 20th insts. detailing your proceedings with referenceto the late events of Genoa, reported in your despatches of the 2nd,7th and 10th April.

'I am satisfied that your Lordship's energies and personal exertionshave been anxiously exercised for the preservation of order, and thehumane object of preventing destruction, pillage and other atrocitiesin the City, and I fully appreciate the advantages which the Communityhas derived by their deliverance from a state of anarchy and thelawless acts of an unprincipled rabble.

'I therefore freely approve the arrangements made by your Lordship atthe request of the Municipality, to protect the town as well as HerMajesty's subjects from brigandage. And also your commendableintercession with the Sardinian General on behalf of the individualscompromised for political acts, trusting that there has not been anyactual infraction of the neutral position of Her Majesty's ship, orundue interference in the political contention of the opponents.

'I am, My Lord,

'Your very humble servant,

'W. PARKER, Vice-Admiral.'

* * * * *

Letters from Viscount Palmerston, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the
Lords of the Admiralty, enclosing copy despatch from the Marquis of
Normanby, Her Majesty's Ambassador in Paris.

FOREIGN OFFICE: April 24, 1849.

'SIR,

'I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to transmit to you for theinformation of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty a copy of adespatch from H.M. Ambassador at Paris, stating that the FrenchMinister for Foreign Affairs has expressed his conviction that duringthe late insurrection at Genoa, that City was in a great measure savedfrom pillage and destruction by the energetic attitude assumed byH.M.S. Vengeance.

'I am, Sir, &c.

'(Signed) H. A. ADDINGTON.'

H. G. WARD, ESQ.

* * * * *

FOREIGN OFFICE: April 30, 1849.

'Sir,

'I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to request that you will acquaintthe Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that his Lordship has receivedfrom H.M. Minister at Turin, a copy of a despatch addressed by the Earlof Hardwicke to Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, dated the 18th inst.,giving an account of the measures which he took to promote thesurrender of Genoa to the Forces of the King of Sardinia, and I am tostate to you at the same time for the information of their lordships,that Lord Hardwicke's conduct on this occasion seems to Lord Palmerstonto have been highly praiseworthy, and Lord Palmerston is of opinionthat the Earl of Hardwicke, by his promptitude, energy and decisionsaved the City of Genoa from the calamities of further bombardment, andprevented a great effusion of blood and much destruction of propertyand life.

'I am, &c.,

'(Signed) H. A. ADDINGTON.'

H. G. WARD, ESQ.

* * * * *

PARIS: April 19, 1849.

LORD,

'Monsieur Drouyn De Lhuys has more than once expressed to me hisconviction that during the late troubles at Genoa that City was ingreat part saved from pillage and destruction by the energetic attitudeassumed by the British Naval Force in that port. The Minister read tome extracts both from Monsieur Bois le Conte and from Monsieur LéonFavre the French Consul at Genoa, stating that there were moments whenthe lives and properties of the peaceable inhabitants would have beenin great danger but for the dread inspired by the position taken up byH.M.S. Vengeance and the efficient support given by Lord Hardwicke tothe Consular Authorities. Monsieur Drouyn De Lhuys said there had beenno distinction whatever between the two Commanders of the two nationsexcept inasmuch as the British Naval Force at that time in the Port ofGenoa was of so much more commanding a character.

'I am, &c.,

'(Signed) NORMANBY.'

* * * * *

Extracts from 'An Episode of Italian Unification' by General Alfonso la
Marmora.

'Lord Hardwicke conducted himself to me like the honourable man that heis, expert in dealing with men and circ*mstances. He did not proposeunacceptable conditions to me; indeed, he charged himself with the taskof persuading the Municipality to submit to the conditions which Imight impose, for the welfare of Genoa itself, and the permanentre-establishment of order.

'On the 9th another complication developed. I have said that theEnglish Captain placed his ship opposite the docks to prevent theliberation of the convicts. Avezzana allowed two days to pass withoutprotesting against this menace: then he addressed to the aforesaidcommander a letter of truly radical insolence, ordering him to vacatethe harbour before 6 P.M. and declaring that if by that hour he werenot gone he should be sunk by the batteries of the people, and so teachthe Queen of Great Britain that it did not suffice to entrust hermen-of-war to men of high lineage unless they were also men ofjudgment.

'Lord Hardwicke, like a man of sense and good feeling, contentedhimself with acknowledging the receipt of the insulting letter, beingdetermined not to stir a finger to leave his drawn position.

'He submitted copies of the correspondence to me and to all therepresentatives of the friendly powers.'

CHAPTER IX

POLITICS AND LAST YEARS. 1850-1873

Having resumed the profession to which he had always been devoted, itwas the ambition of Lord Hardwicke's life to continue his naval career,and to complete a period of active service afloat which would haveentitled him to promotion to flag rank. He was encouraged in thisdesire by all his friends, even by those who, like John Wilson Croker,had opposed his return to active service. In a letter written by thatgentleman to Lady Hardwicke in 1849, he said: 'I never was veryfavourable to his going to sea, but I am now decidedly against his notgoing through with it, and I cannot but believe that his services areappreciated, if not at their full value at least with respect, on thepart of the Whigs. But however that may be, and however glad I shall beto see you all again at Wimpole, I earnestly advise him to play hishand out.'

Unhappily, Lord Hardwicke was prevented from carrying out his intentionby the very serious illness of Lady Hardwicke, which caused him thegravest anxiety, shortly after the termination of his arduousresponsibilities at Genoa. Lady Hardwicke was brought to death's doorby an attack of fever at Naples, and he immediately resigned hiscommand of the Vengeance, and hurried to her bedside. She happilyrecovered, and after her convalescence the whole family returned toEngland.

Apart, however, from this urgent private trouble, it is doubtfulwhether Lord Hardwicke would have continued his service in theMediterranean. He felt, indeed, that the approval of his conduct atGenoa by the Whig Government was less hearty than Mr. Croker believedwas the case, confined as it was to the barest official acknowledgmentof services which to everyone else appeared not only creditable to LordHardwicke as a captain of a British ship of war, but of the highestvalue to Italy, to the cause of good order, and, by the havoc andbloodshed his tact and firmness had certainly prevented, to humanityitself. As the documents set out in the appendix to the last chapterfully show, all this was highly appreciated abroad. King Victorhastened to confer on Lord Hardwicke the order of St. Maurice and St.Lazarus for what were described by General de Launay, his foreignsecretary, as 'les importans services que vous avez rendus à SonGouvernement pendant les graves évènemens qui ont affligé la ville deGênes et l'empressem*nt efficace avec lequel vous avez puissammentsecondé M. le Général de La Marmora pour y ramener l'ordre'; LordNormanby, the British Ambassador at Paris, reported to his governmentthat the French Minister at Turin had more than once expressed hisconviction 'that during the late troubles at Genoa that city was ingreat part saved from pillage and destruction by the energetic attitudeassumed by the British naval force in that port, and that the Frenchconsuls had stated to him that there were moments when the lives andproperties of the peaceable inhabitants would have been in greatdanger, but for the dread inspired by the position taken up by H.M.S.Vengeance, and the effective support given by Lord Hardwicke to theconsular authorities.' There was less value perhaps in the thanks givenby 'the Count and Colonel, Director of the Bagni Maritim,' whosegratitude was mingled with a sense of favours to come, in the possibleexertion of Lord Hardwicke's good offices with King Victor Emmanuel forclemency for the convicts under the Count's charge, whose conduct hadadded so much to the dangers of the situation. But of the foreigntestimony to Lord Hardwicke's service at Genoa perhaps the mosteloquent was that of Mazzini, who admitted to Lord Malmesbury that hiscareer in Italy had been spoiled 'by one English sailor at Genoa calledHardvick.'

This universal approbation of the part played by Lord Hardwicke was ofcourse perfectly well known to the Government; it was also more or lessknown to the public from the letters written by the Timescorrespondent at Genoa. 'But for the decision and judgment LordHardwicke manifested,' he wrote, 'Genoa would, in all probability, havebeen at this moment a ruined and pillaged city. The very worstvagabonds were hired to mount guard and man the walls, since theNational Guards had retired for the most part to their own dwellings.It was indeed a reign of terror, and it was most fortunate for Genoathat the Vengeance was in the port to prevent its being a reign ofblood.'

Under these circ*mstances Lord John Russell's government could scarcelywithhold official recognition of Lord Hardwicke's success in havingvirtually saved a great and historic city from destruction. Hisconduct, moreover, was such as would certainly appeal to LordPalmerston, the Foreign Secretary, who took the occasion to inform theAdmiralty 'that Lord Hardwicke's conduct seemed to him highlypraiseworthy, and that he was of opinion that the Earl of Hardwicke byhis promptitude, energy and decision saved the city of Genoa from thecalamities of further bombardment, and prevented a great effusion ofblood and much destruction of property and life.'

This official approval, as we have seen, was conveyed to Lord Hardwickeby his admiral, Sir William Parker, who had already indicated his ownrather tepid approval accompanied, however, by the hope that there hadbeen 'no actual infraction of the neutral position of Her Majesty'sship, or undue interference in the political contention of theopponents.'

But it seems clear that both political and professional influences werealready at work against Lord Hardwicke. On the happy conclusion of thetrouble at Genoa by what he truly described in a letter to LadyHardwicke as 'the only English interference that has been successful inEurope since the affair began,' he had already detected a certainfaintness in the praise he received from Admiral Parker: 'The goodadmiral gives me negative praise,' he writes, 'but I leave it all tohim to judge my acts. I have no fear of results; I have a good reasonfor all I did.' But from a memorandum written by Lady Hardwicke afterhis death, it appears that he felt very acutely the grudging spirit inwhich his services had been received by a section, at least, of theCabinet. Upon reporting himself at the Admiralty on his arrival inLondon he was greeted by Sir Francis Baring, the First Lord, with thesewords: 'Well, Lord Hardwicke, you certainly did do well at Genoa, andit was lucky that you succeeded, for if you had failed you certainlywould have been broke.' He made no complaint, however, but returned toWimpole, resumed his life of a country gentleman, and renewed all hisinterest in the affairs of his estate and his county.

He was called at length from this retirement by the return of his ownparty to power. In March of 1851 Lord John Russell had announced theresignation of the Government owing to their defeat on the franchisequestion; Lord Stanley was sent for by Queen Victoria, but foundhimself unable to form a ministry, and upon the advice of the Duke ofWellington the Queen had requested her ministers to resume office. Butthis arrangement lasted less than a year. On the 27th of Februaryfollowing Lord Stanley, by that time Earl of Derby, became primeminister in the new Government with Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Spencer Walpole,Lord Malmesbury and Sir John Packington, among his colleagues, and inthis cabinet Lord Hardwicke sat as Postmaster-General. It was a shortterm of office, which lasted less than a year, during which time,however, Lord Hardwicke's energy and powers of organisation were muchappreciated in his department, where he came to be known as 'LordHardwork'; but his official life came to an end with that of theGovernment upon the return to power, in December 1852, of the Aberdeenadministration, which included Lord John Russell as Foreign Secretaryand Sir James Graham as First Lord of the Admiralty.

A characteristic souvenir of the immortal Duke of Wellington occurs tome in connection with this first administration of Lord Derby, wellknown as the 'Derby D'Israeli Ministry,' which may find a place here. Agreat many new men necessarily composed it, and when they were allmustered before being 'sworn in' the Duke began chaffing them 'assomewhat raw recruits,' and then taking his stick he put them intoline and said, 'You will require a little drilling' and he flourishedhis stick about, imitating a sergeant, and amused them all very much.Such was the great man's way of putting a home truth.

The fall of Lord Derby's government was the occasion for a letter to myfather from Mr. Croker, in which that gentleman appears to admirationin the characteristic role of candid friend. I print this, not only asa typical effort of that critical spirit, but because it contains avery just appreciation of my mother's great qualities, to which herhusband and her children owe so much.

* * * * *

Dec. 31, 1852.

'… As for the party, I cannot but feel with you, that a party withouta spokesman in the House of Commons is as nothing, but with such aspokesman as Disraeli, it is worse than nothing. In Opposition, histalents of debate would be most valuable, if there was any security forhis principles or his judgment. I have no faith in either.

'But after all, nobody is so much to blame as Derby; why did he nottake higher and surer ground. Why are you all turned out on—neitheryou nor anyone else can say what? You had not even hoisted a flag torally round. You have been like some poor people I have read of in thelate storm, buried under the ruins of your own edifice, but whether youwere stifled or crushed, killed by a rafter or a brick, nobody cantell. You have died a death so ignoble that it has no name, and theCoroner's verdict is "Found Dead."

'Why did you not die in the Protestant cause; on something that someparty could take an interest in? Why did you spare Cardinal Wiseman?Why butter Louis Buonaparte thicker than his own French cooks? Why didyou lay the ground of the confiscation of landed property by adifferential income tax and by hinting at taxing property byinheritance? "You have left undone the things you ought to have done,and you have done those things which you ought not to have done, andthere is no help for you."

'My own grief is this, that Disraeli's vanity, or as he would say, hischaracter, was committed by his electioneering speeches and addresses,and that you all, half generosity and half prudence, resolved to standby him rather than break up the Government, which his resignation wouldhave done. That's my solution of the greatest political riddle I everencountered.

'I know not what to say about your going to sea, I fear observations onyour resigning the ship abroad and taking one at home for the merepurpose of making up a little time. Pray think well of it. I daresayyou would receive a civil answer, perhaps get a ship, but cui bono.What is your flag to you? [Footnote: He was promoted to the rank ofVice-Admiral in November 1858.] I wish you were on the Admiral's listfor the sake of the country if we are to have a war, but I see noadvantage in it if there is no prospect of distinguished service.

'Give my best love to all the dear people round you and, above all, tothe dearest of all, whose solid good sense and natural sagacity, quiteequal to her more charming qualities, will be your best guide in thetopic last treated. Indeed, if I knew her opinion on any of thosetopics, it would have a prime chance of becoming my own.

'Ever most affectionately hers and yours,

'J. W. CROKER'

* * * * *

The Aberdeen Government will always be remembered as that of the periodof the Crimean War, and it was in connection with that great struggleand his wish to serve his country afloat that Lord Hardwicke found justreason to complain of more than the mere belittling of his services atGenoa which had been his sole reward upon his return to England in 1849.

Lord Hardwicke's desire to obtain active employment at sea so soon ashostilities with Russia appeared probable was well known at theAdmiralty, but political rancour as well as professional jealousy wereboth employed in a secret but active agitation to prevent his obtainingthat employment. The entirely honourable distinction he had receivedfrom the King of Sardinia by the bestowal of the order of St. Mauriceand St. Lazarus was made the opportunity of a series of slanderoussuggestions which caused him the greatest pain. It was perfectly wellknown that a regulation in force at the English Court forbade theacceptance of foreign distinctions of that kind without the expresspermission of the Crown. Yet it was stated that 'The English Governmenthad desired that the order should be returned on the ground that LordHardwicke had acted at Genoa without orders.' Further than this, asLady Hardwicke records, 'Much jealousy was created by his successfuldiplomacy at Genoa, and his enemies disseminated a report that he haddisobeyed Admiral Sir William Parker's orders, and "made theMediterranean sea too hot to hold him."'

These injurious statements, however, did not reach Lord Hardwicke'sears until some time after they were first made—'he was of courseignorant of what was going on to defame his professional character andstop his career in a service to which he was devoted and in which hehad spent the best years of his life.' They at length, however, came tohis notice under more responsible authority than that of mere rumour atservice clubs, and at a moment when their acceptance by a member of theGovernment was allowed to stand in the way of Lord Hardwicke'sselection for an important command.

By a recent regulation of the Admiralty, Lord Hardwicke with many othersenior captains who had failed by a short period to complete the activeservice afloat necessary to entitle them to the rank of rear-admiral,was placed upon the retired list. In his case, the regulation tookeffect upon January 28, 1854. Meanwhile, however, the probability in1853 of a declaration of war between this country and Russia had led togreat naval activity, and Lord Hardwicke had applied for activeemployment. 'Sir Charles Napier,' writes Lady Hardwicke, 'who fullyappreciated his courage and ability, applied for him as hisflag-captain.' His offer, however, as well as Admiral Napier's wish forhis assistance, were both disregarded by the Admiralty, and hisappointment as flag-captain refused.

There was, perhaps, no legitimate grievance in this refusal, but atthis moment information reached Lord Hardwicke through Lord Clarendon,that the refusal had been accompanied by a revival at the Admiralty ofthe injurious suggestions, already mentioned, of his having exceededhis instructions from Sir William Parker at Genoa.

'I believe it to have been at this juncture,' writes Lady Hardwicke,'that his friend Lord Clarendon, feeling acutely his position, informedhim of the slanders which had been spread abroad. … This statementwas made use of by Sir James Graham, First Lord of the Admiralty andsuccessor to Sir F. Baring, and carried by him to the ears of his bestfriends, the Queen and the Prince Consort.'

It will be readily understood that the adoption of these injuriousreports by a cabinet minister, and their repetition by him in hisofficial capacity to the Queen and Prince Albert, placed the wholematter upon a different footing. Queen Victoria, almost from thebeginning of her reign, had honoured my father with her regard andconfidence, and so recently as his return from Genoa he had received aletter which shows very plainly the terms upon which he stood with hisSovereign.

* * * * *

BUCKINGHAM PALACE: March 4, 1850.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'The Prince is anxious that you should resume your seat at the Councilof the Duchy of Lancaster which you resigned when you went abroad. Ihope that you will be willing to do so as it is important for theQueen's interest that the persons upon that Council should be wellacquainted with the peculiar details of the Duchy business, as well asgenerally accustomed to the management of property, and it would be aconsiderable time before any person could acquire the knowledge of thesubject which you have gained. The change in the Chancellor of theDuchy will not, I hope, make the working of the Council less easy.

'Sincerely yours,

'C. B. PHIPPS'

* * * * *

In such circ*mstances, and apart altogether from any question of therefusal of employment by the Admiralty, it is obvious that the mattercould not be allowed to rest where it was, and a letter received byLord Hardwicke in September 1853 from Lord Clarendon makes it clearthat he lost no time in seeking an explanation from Sir James Graham.

* * * * *

September 30, 1853.

'MY DEAR HARDWICKE,

'I hope you will excuse me for not having answered your letter byreturn of post as I ought to have done, but I assure you that the lasttwo days, I have been unable to do anything but fight against anextraordinary pressure of public work. My firm belief is that thepersonal errors into which Graham had fallen are now quite removed."Hardwicke is a good sailor, and an officer of real ability andmerit"—is an extract from a letter of Graham's in answer to mine aboutyou; but I see that the bar to your being employed, is your ownposition in the Service and your having one year and eleven months toserve afloat before you can render yourself eligible for the Flag.There are only three captains above you and if when your turn arrivedyou were in command of a ship, and your full period of requisiteservice was not accomplished, I suppose that a question, which has notyet arisen, would then arise, respecting your right to promotion to theActive Flag. This I take to be the real difficulty, and yourprofessional knowledge will enable you to judge of its value. I sent acopy of your note to Graham, and as far as I am concerned I hope youwill now take any course you may think most expedient, only bearing inmind that Graham has no unfriendly feeling towards you. I have said toyou upon that point, nothing more than what he told me, but I should besorry that he thought I had said less. I fear that all endeavours tokeep the peace are exhausted or nearly so, and I don't anticipate muchactive hostility at this time of year, if hostilities we are to have.The Emperor of Russia is quite without excuse, he persists in askingwhat the Turks cannot concede, and he wants a power in Turkey whichwould be useless to him, except for overturning the Ottoman Empire, theindependence of which he declares must be maintained.

'Ever yours truly,

'CLARENDON.'

* * * * *

From this letter it is clear that Lord Clarendon as a friend of bothparties did all he could to explain the conduct of Sir James, but hismention of 'personal errors' into which the First Lord had fallen seemsan ample confirmation of that gentleman's indiscretion in giving anofficial countenance to the rumours of which Lord Hardwicke complained.In any case, Lord Clarendon's letter was obviously an explanationthoroughly unsatisfactory to Lord Hardwicke, who, as Lady Hardwickewrites, 'immediately wrote to Sir William Parker and obtained from himthe following memorable credential.'

* * * * *

SHENSTONE LODGE, LICHFIELD: 14 Nov., 1853.

'My DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'I fully enter into your feeling of mortification and disappointment innot obtaining professional appointment in the present threateningaspect of affairs; I am much grieved that a fallacious impressionshould for a moment have obtained that the slightest approach to amisunderstanding between your Lordship and myself had ever occurred. Iam indeed at a loss to conceive on what pretence such an idle andmischievous rumour could have originated. Sir Francis Baring intimatedto me the astonishment and annoyance you had expressed to him at such afabrication; I assure you my reply quite corresponded with yoursentiments. I can truly say that the Vengeance was verysatisfactorily conducted under your command, while attached to my flag,and all your proceedings manifested genuine zeal for the Service. Icannot forget with what anxiety your Lordship withdrew your applicationto be relieved in the command of that ship, when on the Squadron beingordered to the vicinity of the Dardanelles, there appeared a temporaryprospect of more active service. I truly regret it that on ourdeparture from the East you again felt yourself compelled to resignyour ship, in consequence of the illness of Lady Hardwicke at a timewhen I believe you were within a short period of completing therequisite servitude for your active Flag.

'I remain faithfully and cordially yours,

'W. PARKER, Admiral.'

* * * * *

'Armed with this letter,' continues Lady Hardwicke, 'he sought anaudience of the Prince Consort, and stated his case, placing therefutation of these calumnies in the Prince's hands. Upon reading thisgenerous and truthful statement, Prince Albert expressed hissatisfaction at having seen it, and his astonishment at the falsehoodsthat had been circulated, and requested Lord Hardwicke that he mightplace it in the hands of the Queen, which he accordingly did andreturned to express Her Majesty's gratification on its perusal.'

All this took place at the end of 1853: meanwhile Sir Charles Napierwas unwearying in his applications to the Admiralty to obtain LordHardwicke's assistance in the expedition which was shortly to sail forthe Baltic. In January Lord Hardwicke was placed upon the retired list,but Sir Charles was still anxious to secure him as one of his admirals,as is very clear from a memorandum of a conversation by Lord Hardwickewhich he left among his papers.

* * * * *

March 6, 1854.

'I met Sir Charles Napier in the United Service Club. He took me asideand told me that Sir James Graham had consulted him as to whom he wouldselect as 3rd Divisional Admiral for the Baltic Fleet. He answered SirJames Graham by saying that he would have asked for Lord Hardwicke asCaptain of the Fleet as he preferred him, but he thought he would haveno chance of having him. But now he was again to select an Admiral, heshould ask for Lord Hardwicke as he should prefer him to anyone. SirJames Graham said, "Very well, I will appoint him, but in this peculiarcase, I must apply to the Cabinet." The result was the refusal of theCabinet to appoint me, in consequence of their fearing to exciteemotion in the officers of the Active List; but that although at thebeginning there was this ground of refusal, yet by and by it might bedone. Sir Charles Napier added, "I shall want one more Admiral and Ishall again apply for you."

'H.'

* * * * *

The controversy with Sir James Graham perhaps affords a sufficientexplanation of the failure of Sir Charles's repeated efforts in behalfof Lord Hardwicke, though there is no doubt the Government had ananswer in the Admiralty regulation which had placed him upon theretired list.

'Lord Hardwicke's application for employment was brought before theCabinet,' writes Lady Hardwicke, 'but the Admiralty declaring that anorder in Council to make this exception would bring the whole retiredlist upon their shoulders, his request was politely declined, with thefeeling that the late enactment had fallen cruelly upon hisprofessional career.'

'Few but myself,' concludes Lady Hardwicke, 'who have seen the anguishof disappointment caused by such a termination of the cherishedambition of a whole life, can at all appreciate the severity of thisblow. This statement of facts engraven on the tablet of my heart I havedrawn up with a view of placing in the hands of my dear children themeans of vindicating their beloved father's memory in case upon anyfuture occasion they should be called upon to do so. Let them rememberthat "the Lord nourisheth with discipline" and accept the trials anddisappointments of life with the same spirit of resignation which theirbeloved father always exhibited, to my great and endless consolation.'

To me, his daughter, it has seemed that the occasion of which my motherspeaks, for the vindication of my father's memory, has arrived with thepublication of this memoir of his life, and I have therefore set outthe facts as she wrote them down.

The long period of Whig rule, which had lasted with the single break ofa few months in 1852 since the year 1846, was at length terminated bythe return of Lord Derby's second administration to power in 1858, andLord Hardwicke took office as Lord Privy Seal with a seat in theCabinet. His energy and professional zeal, however, had been fullyemployed since 1856 as the Chairman of a Royal Commission which hadbeen appointed to inquire into the question of the manning of the Navy.The negative results of the expedition to the Baltic during the latewar with Russia had brought the question into public notice, and thegreat changes which were taking place in the design and construction ofships of war by the invention of the screw propeller and the evolutionof the ironclad battleship had given a more than ordinary urgency tothe question of national defence.

Lord Hardwicke entered upon his duties with the greatest energy. One ofthe instructions to the Commission was to 'determine in case of needthe means necessary to man at short notice thirty or forty sail of theline.' In a speech at Cambridge in 1858 he pointed out some factsregarding the Navy of which the public were quite ignorant, and whichpointed to a serious decrease in the naval power of the country whichcaused much uneasiness. Lord Hardwicke reminded his hearers that thoughduring the period of the American, Revolutionary, and Napoleonic warswe had maintained an establishment of from 105,000 to 140,000 seamenand marines, and had experienced little difficulty in manning a fleetof ships of the line which averaged 120 sail, yet during the recent warwith Russia the Admiralty had with difficulty found crews for thethirty-three vessels which took part in the operations in the Baltic.'These ships,' he said, 'went to sea in such a condition as to inflicta positive injustice on the brave officers in command of them, and ifit had not been for the efficiency of the latter and the way theircrews were disciplined, they might as well have stopped at home.'

Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort both took great interest in thisimportant question, and the Prince in the following letter showed hispractical knowledge of the subject by urging the importance of thetraining-ship as a source of an efficient personnel for the Navy.

* * * * *

'My DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'In your position as chairman of the Manning Committee I wish to drawyour attention to a point, which I consider of the utmost importance.

'We have two brigs, the Rollo and the Nautilus, at Portsmouth andPlymouth for apprenticing boys for the Navy. You are perfectlyacquainted with their excellent system, and the fact that, after havingcompleted their time of instruction, these boys form the best sailorsin the Queen's service, having acquired a taste for the Man-of-Warservice early in life, and are free from any connection with theMerchandise. But these two ships give the Navy only about 200 seamen ayear. What are 200 annually to a fleet of 50,000? Why should not eachof the Coast Guard Ships have a brig attached to them on theirrespective stations for receiving boys? The brigs are worth nothing tothe service, and I am told that the applications for the entry of boysis always far beyond the present means of receiving, whilst men arefrequently not to be had. If 2000 boys so trained were added every yearto the Navy for ten years' service, it would be none too many. It wouldonly give us 20,000 men at the end of ten years; but these would bepermanently added to the stock of seamen of the country, which I amsorry to say appears to be gradually falling below our wants.

'Ever,

'Yours Truly,

'ALBERT.'

OSBORNE: July 24, 1856

* * * * *

The labours of Lord Hardwicke and his colleagues were received withgeneral approbation on all sides, although his own declared opinion ofthe advisability of reviving the Press-gang in certain circ*mstanceswas not generally accepted.

I must here mention that although Lord Hardwicke was debarred by theregulation in force from accepting the decoration from King VictorEmmanuel of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus, his Majesty was stilldetermined to mark his sense of my father's services to Italy at Genoa.Six years after the revolution of Genoa he caused a medal to be struckbearing the national arms and inscribed with the words:

'Al Valore Militare. Lord Conte di Hardwicke, commandante il vascelloVengeance. Distinti servizii pel Ristabilmento del Ordine. Genova,1849.'

Queen Victoria's permission to wear this medal was accorded to Lord
Hardwicke by the following letter from Lord Clarendon.

* * * * *

GROSVENOR CRESCENT: July 24, 1855.

'MY DEAR HARDWICKE,

'The Queen's permission has been duly received for you to wear themedal conferred upon you by the King of Sardinia and I havecommunicated the same officially to the Admiralty.

'Very truly yours,

'CLARENDON.'

* * * * *

The end of every life is the hardest to describe. The time of rest mustcome, and with it retirement from public work. The parent begins lifeagain in his children, and in making place for them in the world. Wehave followed the career of an active and energetic man, who thoroughlylived his life, and enjoyed it. We have seen his first greatdisappointment in the profession that he loved, when an opportunityoffered itself for service under Sir Charles Napier in the Baltic Fleetduring the Crimean War. To die in action, fighting for England, was hisambition, and the failure of an opportunity for its fulfilment broughtwith it much depression.

Meanwhile, however, he lost no time in vain regrets, or ceased fromactive and useful work on his estate and in his county. We have read aletter describing old 'Wimple' in 1781; I shall now try to carry on thedescription in few words from 1855. It was a beloved home; we 'wereseven,' and in the adjoining rectory lived my uncle the Hon. and Rev.Archdeacon Yorke, Canon of Ely, with six cousins, a merry party inholiday time. The house was big and the furniture, books and picturesfine, but my father's life would have satisfied the severest ofsocialist critics by its simplicity. Our own dress was scrupulouslysimple. Our boots I well remember, they were all made by a littlehump-back cobbler who lived at New Wimpole, and used to come by theavenue to the 'Big House,' as it was always called, to measure us.These substantial thick boots and leather gaiters from the villageshop, with short linsey skirts, formed our walking attire. And in theChristmas holiday we all tore about the muddy fields in 'paper-chases.'

Later on I remember writing a paper for my friends on how to dress oneighty pounds a year, which was my allowance at eighteen.

The cottages were beautifully clean and the furniture solid, all themen wore smock-frocks and very thick boots with large nails that lasteda year: no such thing as a blue suit and yellow boots would have beentolerated then. The best dressed wife wore a red cloak and neat blackbonnet. The family Bible was found in every cottage, and my uncle gavetwo cottage Bible-readings every week of his life. There was no attemptat Cathedral services in country churches. The Communion service wasreverently given once a month, and on the great feast-days my unclepreached in a black gown. And such a fuss was made when the blackwaistcoat now commonly worn by the clergy was introduced: it was calledthe M. B. Waistcoat (mark of the beast).

My uncle ultimately adopted it, when promoted to a canonry at Ely. Whatchanges since those days, what luxury has crept in everywhere, and howoften one sighs over the simplicity of the past, which certainlyproduced a stronger, if not a better race.

My father was very courteous, especially to ladies, cheery, full oflife and spirits; liberal in heart though a strong Conservative inpolitics. If anything pleasant or amusing was on hand, such as a danceor our 'private theatricals,' he would wave his hands and say, 'Clearthe decks! Clear the decks!' We often used to 'clear the decks' forgames of Post and Magical Music!… Evenings at Wimpole were neverdull. We attempted to keep up old traditions, and intellect andvitality were not wanting. There was always a sprinkling of rising menin all the practical departments of life among the guests at Wimpole,statesmen, agriculturists, shipbuilders and owners, besides intimatesand relations; dear old 'Schetky' with his guitar among the mostpopular, and the delight of the children after dinner when he wouldsing his favourite ballad 'When on his Baccy Box he viewed.' Amateurmusic was greatly encouraged, not that it came up to the requisitionsof the present day, but it was very pleasant. My mother's balladsinging was exceptional, and without accompaniment very interesting.

'Annie Laurie' and all Lady John Scott's ballads, besides 'CallerHerrin''—the Scotch cry for fresh herring—were her favourites andbrought tears to one's eyes. Nothing was spared where education wasconcerned, and music and languages were among the great advantagesafforded to myself and my sisters. To the latter I attribute one of thegreatest enjoyments of my life, especially when in later years I oftenlived in Paris. Histrionic art also was cultivated in the holidaysunder the able management of uncle Eliot Yorke, M.P. The 'WimpoleTheatre' opened in 1796 with 'The Secret,' with Lady Anne, LadyCatherine and Lady Elizabeth Yorke and Viscount Royston as the caste.It was reopened in 1851 with the 'Court of Oberon: or The ThreeWishes,' by the Dowager Countess of Hardwicke, with Viscount Royston,the Hon. Eliot Yorke, Mr. Sydney Yorke, Lady Elizabeth Yorke, the Hon.John Manners Yorke, Lady Agneta Yorke, the Hon. Victor Yorke, and theHon. Alexander Yorke in the caste, and the Hon. Eliot Yorke, M.P., asstage manager. This company in 1853 repeated the 'Court of Oberon' with'The Day after the Wedding.' In 1854 'The Day after the Wedding' wasagain given with a comic interlude 'Personation' by Charles Kemble anda popular farce 'Turning the Tables.'

In 1855 'Personation' and 'Popping the Question' were given beforetheir Royal Highnesses the duch*ess of Cambridge and Princess Mary. Avery smart party was invited to meet their Royal Highnesses, and agreat deal of merriment was our reward.

The excellent training of 'Uncle Eliot' during the dull winter eveningsmade the winter holidays a real joy; we rehearsed and acted in theGallery, originally built to hold the Harleian Manuscripts, and dividedby columns into three parts, making an admirable theatre and a handsomeproscenium. On one great occasion we had Frank Matthews as prompter,and we none of us forget seeing him initiate Lady Agneta in the art ofmaking a stage kiss. Oh! how we laughed. He cried so much during theperformance that he prompted badly; but perhaps the dear man wastouched by the family talent! A letter from Tom Taylor recommendingplays suitable for our company will be read with interest.

* * * * *

'There is a play called "Hearts are Trumps" which I think would suityour friends, from what you tell me of their troupe and requirements.We played a piece at Canterbury called "Palace and Prison" adapted bySimpson from "La Main gauche et la main droite" which, as far as Iremember, is unobjectionable. I think Palgrave Simpson had it printed,though I do not think it has been acted in London. My little comedietta"Nine Points of the Law" is free from all critical situations andlanguage, but perhaps Mr. Sterling's part may be too old for yourjeune premier.

'There is a piece called the "Secret Agent" well suited to drawing-roomtheatricals; you might look at it. "You can't marry your Grandmother"is a good one-act piece, free from objectionable situation anddialogue. See also "Time tries all," "A Match in the Dark," and "Killor Cure."

'Ever yours truly,

'TOM TAYLOR.'

* * * * *

In 1857 the Wimpole Theatre reopened with the same company and gave'Sunshine through the Clouds' and 'Only a Halfpenny'; and in 1860 forthe last time with 'The Jacobite' by Planche; a scene from 'King John';and 'Helping Hands' by Tom Taylor. The last was a beautiful play, buttoo refined for the ordinary theatre, and consequently did not have therun it deserved.

All these performances were strictly confined to the family, including
the painting of the scenery and the composition of Prologues,
Epilogues, &c. As we said in one of those compositions, 'We are no
London stars; we're all of Yorke.'

While we were play-acting, my father would continue persistently thework of his estate and county. It was his habit to hire his ownlabourers for the estate and home farm, and these, well and carefullychosen, were secure in their posts from year to year, and loved him. Healso made a rule every Saturday of passing elaborate accounts at theestate office with his steward. He dined at Cambridge once a year withall his tenants; never was a landlord more beloved. The old-fashionedharvest home was celebrated in the spacious coachhouse cleared for theoccasion; my mother and 'all of us' went down to welcome the labourersand hear my father address them. He settled things in his own way,sometimes differing considerably from ordinary routine, but he wasscrupulously just, liberal and kind, with a most attractive sense ofhumour.

My father had seen and felt acutely the harm raw spirits had done inthe Navy. This made him very careful when at Wimpole. According to oldcustom, beer was brewed twice a year, and he kept the key of the cellarand punctually opened it every morning before breakfast to give out the'measure' for daily consumption. I remember so well a new butlerarriving with a pompous manner and very red nose. Shortly afterarrival he was taken ill and retired to his bed for several days, thefamily doctor from Royston attending him. On his recovery, going intoluncheon with us all, my father with his usual courtesy said, 'I hopeyou are better.' Answer: 'Oh yes, thank you, my Lord, it was only theChange of Beer!'

I remember the average doctor's bill for domestic servants at Wimpolewas £100 a year. May I be allowed for once to speak of self? Mine, witha more or less teetotal home, comes on an average to £1; I give extrawages and no strong drink, and this system works admirably, except forthe poor Doctors, whom I fear sometimes find their incomes sadlydiminished by the Temperance movement!

My father made great additions and improvements at Wimpole House. Hefound it needing repair, and after releading the extensive roof, hebuilt offices on the left side, and later restored the largeconservatory on the right, besides entirely rebuilding the stables, andplacing the handsome iron gates at the Arrington entrance. A group ofsculpture by Foley in the pediment of the stone porch over the frontdoor greatly improved the centre of the house, which was very flat. Inround numbers he spent £100,000 in these improvements. There weretwelve reception rooms en suite, including the beautiful chapelpainted by Sir James Thornhill, and no sooner had No. 12 been done upthan No. 1 began to call out! It was always beginning, never ending.

In 1867 came the first home bereavement, the first heart-breaking loss,from which my father never recovered; he kept to his daily work, butgaiety forsook him, and the trouble no doubt told upon hisconstitution, which was threatened with a serious form of rheumaticgout, and with gradual heart failure. His beloved third son, VictorAlexander, Queen Victoria's godson, died suddenly whilst assisting at apenny reading at Aston Clinton, the residence of Sir Anthony and Ladyde Rothschild, to whom he was devoted. Victor was a lad of greatpromise; he was in the Horse Artillery, and a bad accident in Canada issupposed to have left some injury to the back of the head and spine. Hehad been suffering from pains in the head, but was in the highest ofspirits the day before he died. An accomplished fellow, fond of musicand poetry, he was reading 'The Grandmother' by Tennyson, and at versethree—

Willy my beauty, my eldest born, the flower of the flock,
Never a man could fling him, for Willy stood like a rock'—

he fell forward on his face and never spoke again.

The tenderness and sympathy shown by Sir Anthony and Lady de Rothschildon this occasion made a deep impression on our bereaved hearts. It wasquite beyond words, and from it sprang that happy marriage between mybrother Eliot Yorke, Equerry to H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh, and Anniede Rothschild, their daughter. It was founded on the truest love, andadmiration of great qualities which have stood the test of many years.The marriage took place in Wimpole Church in February 1873.

It was about June in the same year that my father left Wimpole for thelast time in an invalid carriage. The fatigue of the journey brought ona severe attack of heart failure, and as he reached his house inPortman Square, we feared it was his last. But not so. A few weekslater he reached his beloved Sydney Lodge, where his room was arrangedon the ground floor and a young doctor always in attendance. Hispatience and fortitude were heroic. Unable to lie down, he sat forweeks in an armchair, supported at night by his two attendants. Nothingcould be more sad than to witness his lingering end. Sometimes herallied sufficiently to be wheeled into the drawing-room and berefreshed by our singing hymns to him in parts. He was a firm believerin Christ, and constantly asked for St. Paul's Epistles to be read tohim: 'Read me my St. Paul,' he would say. The conclusions of the greatApostle to the Gentiles as to the divinity of Christ supported himthrough all his troubles.

His last letter, dated September 7, 1873, was written to his friend Tom
co*cks.

* * * * *

'I send my Banker's Book and beg you will return it made up with abalance. I am a dying man, and shall be glad when it pleases God tocall me home.

'Yours truly, my dear co*cks,

'HARDWICKE.'

* * * * *

On September 17 he expired at Sydney Lodge, Hamble, conscious to thelast, and was laid to rest in the family vault at Wimpole. These lines,'to his beloved memory,' were written by his widow and engraved on astone cross erected in the grounds of Sydney Lodge overlooking theSouthampton Water:

'To thee, the fondly loved one I deplore,
I dedicate this spot for evermore.
Here, 'neath the shade of spreading beech, we sought
Some brief distraction to overburdened thought,
Some balm for pain, immunity from care,
To lift thy soul and for its flight prepare.
Here forest glade and wat'ry flood combine,
To stamp on nature the impress divine;
The sluggish murmur of retiring tide
Whispers "Much longer thou can'st not abide";
The trembling light of sun's retreating ray
Suggests th' effulgence of more perfect day,
And soothing warblers of the feathered tribe
Hymning their orisons at eventide,
Point to the "Sun of righteousness which springs,"
Saviour of souls, "with healing in its wings."
Hallowed by sacred musings be this ground
Where last we sat, and consolation found.
Brief be the space which binds me here below,
Thy spirit fled, all life has lost its glow.'

INDEX

Abercromby, Sir W.
Addington, Rt. Hon. Henry
Algiers, Dey of; expedition against;
Bombardment of; slaves released
Anaguasti
Ancestry
Anson, Mr.
Asarta, General
Avezzana

Barbary pirates
Baring, Sir Francis
Berlin
Bermuda
Bernadotte
Bevan, Lady Agneta
Brisbane, Captain
Bute, Lord
Byron, Lord; 'Maid of Athens'

Cambridge, duch*ess of, and
Princess Mary
Camden, Lord
Campbell, Lord
Canea
Capellan, Admiral von der
Capo d'lstria
Carlo Felice
Cavour
Charles Albert
Chrisaphopulo
Clanricarde, Marchioness of
Clarendon, Earl of
Cochrane, Lord
co*cks, Margaret (Lady Hardwicke)
Coleotronis
Corfu
Corn Laws, repeal of
Croker, J. W.

Dantzig
D'Azeglio
De Launay, General
Derby, Earl of
Devonshire, Duke of
Disraeli, Mr.
Dover, Lord
Druses, the
Dundas, Capt.

Exmouth, Admiral Viscount

Fox, Henry

Garibaldi
Garrick
Genoa
George III
Gladstone, Mr.
Grafton, Duke of
Graham, Sir James
Greek Committee, the
Grey, Marchioness

Hamburg Hardwicke, first Earl of Lord Chancellor character as a judge political influence marriage and children ———second Earl of ———third Earl of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ———Charles Philip, fourth Earl of, birth, education, enters navy first ships letters from Mediterranean visits Genoa joins Queen Charlotte, Lord Exmouth's flagship letter commands gunboat at bombardment of Algiers sails for Halifax Crazy Jane sloop letters from Halifax lieutenant commander anecdotes of commands Alacrity in Mediterranean, mission to suppress Greek piracy at Malta Corfu Gibraltar visits Lord Byron the 'Green Bag,' at Smyrna massacre at Psara visit to Pasha opinion of the Greek Committee Odysseus visit to Ali Bey at Magnesia Ephesus Malta again Beirut Sidon visits Lady Hester Stanhope account of Tyre goes to Alexandria and Cairo holiday in Sweden and Norway: Kiel Copenhagen Gottenborg, incident at Christiania the Storthing dinner with Bernadotte the Doverfeld Trondhjem Diet at Stockholm conversation with Bernadotte desire for active service returns to Mediterranean in Alligator diplomatic duties in connection with Greek settlement chases pirate Macri Georgio proceeds to Crete grief at leaving Alligator voyage home; Reform question Sir Joseph Yorke's death his last letter elected M.P. for Reigate for Cambridgeshire marriage succeeds to Earldom country gentleman President of the Agricultural Society Lord-Lieutenant Lord-in-Waiting attends on King of Prussia visit to fire at Hamburg Berlin and Sans Souci goes with King to Court of St. Petersburg, Dantzig Cronstadt impressions of Emperor of Russia and Russian Royal Family Peterhof and Court life at St. Petersburg review of military cadets takes leave of Emperor at Erdmansdorf with King of Prussia and Konigsberg Marienberg Dresden pictures Dresden fair Sans Souci attends Emperor of Russia in England the Queen and Prince Consort visit Wimpole Her Majesty's opinion of him Wimpole cheese for King Louis Philippe correspondence with Sir R. Peel attitude on repeal of Corn Laws resigns Court appointment relations with Mr. Disraeli wish for naval employment Mr. Croker's opinion appointed to command the Vengeance under Sir W. Parker; ordered to Leghorn his instructions at Genoa letters to Lady Hardwicke describing his action during the Genoese crisis letters commending his conduct in having saved Genoa from pillage and ruin from La Marmora, Syndic of Genoa, Sir W. Parker, Lord Palmerston, &c. but official approval somewhat grudging joins Lord Derby's Cabinet as Postmaster-General applies for command in the Baltic under Sir C. Napier refusal controversy with Sir James Graham Lord Privy Seal in Lord Derby's second Cabinet Chairman of Royal Commission on manning of the Navy King of Italy's medal life at Wimpole evening amusem*nts and society music and theatricals estate work improvements at Wimpole death of Hon. Victor Yorke marriage of Hon. Eliot Yorke his own illness and death at Sydney Lodge Hardwicke, seventh Earl of ———Countess of, Margaret. See co*cks. ———Countess of, Susan. See Liddell. Hotham, Sir H. Hurd Hydra Hypsilantes, Prince Alexander

Independence, War of
Ismail Pacha
Italian unity, movement for

Karabusa in Crete
Keppel, Admiral
Königsberg

La Marmora, General

Liddell, Hon. Susan (Countess of Hardwicke)
Liverpool, Earl of

Magnesia
Maitland, Sir T.
Mansfield, Lord
Marienberg
Masséna
Matthews
Mavrocordato
Mazzini
Mecklenburg Schwerin, Duke of
Mehemet Ali
Melbourne, Viscount
Miaoulis, Admiral
Milne, Sir D.
Missolonghi
Montesquieu
Morden, Barony

Napier, Sir C.
Nauplia
Navarino
Nelson, Lord
Newcastle, Duke of
Nore, mutiny at the
Normanby, Marquis of
Novara, battle of

Odysseus, the Chief
Otho, King
Oxford, Harley, Earls of

Palmerston, Viscount
Parker, Sir W.
Peel, Sir R.
Perceval, Rt. Hon. Spencer
Pitt, William (Lord Chatham)
Pitt, William
Plumptre
Prince Consort
Prior
Prussia, King of
Psara

Rattray, Elizabeth Weake (Lady Yorke)
Reform Bill
Rockingham, Lord
Rodney, Lord
Rothschild, Sir A. and Lady de
Royston, Lord
Russell, Lord John
Russia, Emperor of (Nicholas I)

Sadowa, battle of
St. Germans, Countess of
Schetky, John Christian
Smyrna
Somers, Lord Chancellor
Stanhope, Lady Hester
Stanhope, Col. Leicester
Stanislas, King of Poland
Stanley, Lord. See Earl of Derby
Sydney Lodge

Taylor, Tom
Trevelyan, Sir George's 'Life of Fox'
Tyre

Victor, Emmanuel I
Victor, Emmanuel II
Victoria, Queen

Warburton, Bishop of Gloucester
Watson, Dr.
Wellington, Duke of
Wilkes, John
Wilmot, Lord Justice
Wimpole

Yorke, Lady Agneta
———Agneta (Hon. Mrs. Charles)
———Hon. Alexander G.
———Archdeacon
———Hon. Charles (second Chancellor)
———Rt. Hon. Charles Philip, M.P.
———Hon. Eliot
———Lady Elizabeth
———Hon. Grantham (Dean of Worcester)
———James, Bishop of Ely
———Hon. John
———Hon. Sir Joseph (Lord Dover)
———Admiral Sir Joseph Sydney, K.C.B.
———Hon. Victor A.
Yorkes of Forthampton
———of Hannington